關於 under protest中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

#我也是看法白才知道：中華台北跟中國台北是不是有 87% 像

等了一年多的東京奧運終於在今天開幕，跟以往的國際賽事一樣，輪到台灣出場時，螢幕上秀出的是「CHINESE TAIPEI」、選手們舉著一面陌生的旗幟、得牌時放著陌生的歌曲。

「CHINESE TAIPEI」又叫「中華台北」，喜歡吃人豆腐的中國理所當然的翻成「中國台北」，每當中國台北四個字出現時，大家就會氣得跳腳。

但可能是我們的英文都沒有學好，Google Translate 告訴我們「Chinese」意思是中國，後面加個「Taipei」，中文念中華台北大家都沒意見。

多數人也習慣了這個魔改後的四不像，於是我們在螢幕前高喊「中華隊」加油，也不知道是在幫西邊的中國還是東邊的中國加油、也不知道為什麼是中華台北而不是中華台中、中華高雄或是中華苗栗。

這一切矛盾的曖昧來自 1981 年的「洛桑協議」。
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🏃‍♀️ 什麼是洛桑協議？奧會模式又是什麼？

中華民國政府在 1949 年被中華人民共和國擊敗，逃到台灣以後，關於「中華民國能不能繼續代表全中國」的爭議，成為兩個中國政府的新戰場，體壇盛事的奧運會自然也是雙方爭奪的重點。

1952 年赫爾辛基奧運，中國代表權的問題浮上檯面，當時國際奧會同意讓兩個中國一起參賽，但中華民國政府基於「漢賊不兩立」而退賽，有趣的是，中華人民共和國代表團因為遲到的關係，只參加了一項男子游泳競賽和閉幕式。

1956 年墨爾本奧運，原本中華人民共和國和中華民國（以 Formosa-China 為名義）同時參賽，但後來中華人民共和國表示「臺北不出、北京不進」而退賽。

1960 年，中華民國代表團被迫以「Formosa」名義參賽，開幕式繞場時，代表團舉著「UNDER PROTEST」牌子表示抗議。1960 年東京奧運、1964 年墨西哥奧運，中華民國代表團都以「TAIWAN」為名義參賽——雖然當時的中華民國政府因為沒辦法當個堂堂正正的中國人覺得被矮化了。

1971 年中華人民共和國取代中華民國在聯合國「中國」的席次以後，中華民國也在其他場域的「中國代表權之爭」失利。1972 年慕尼黑奧運，最後一次以「中華民國（Republik China）」的名義參賽後，1976 年、1980 年都無法參加奧運。

這個問題在 1981 年簽署洛桑協議後解決，協議確認了「中國奧會」（Chinese Olympic Committee）與「中華奧會」（Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee）的名稱、會旗、會徽，使中華奧會得以和其它國家奧林匹克委員會擁有相等權利，參與各項國際運動。

中華民國政府在之後，陸續運用類似模式參與許多和奧會無關的國際組織或會議，當中華人民共和國派代表團時，中華民國的代表隊只能以「中華臺北」的名義參加，而不能使用中華民國國旗，這種參與方式也被稱為「奧會模式」。

該次協議不僅確立名稱由中華民國奧會改為中華台北奧會，並且將會旗改為「梅花內含五環標誌」，會歌則使用中華民國國旗歌，而且在進場時為避免與同屬「C」開頭的中國一同進場而被誤認為同一隊，中華台北改以「T」為入場順序。
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⚾️ 民意認定的中華台北國

2018 年全國性公投第 13 案「你是否同意，以『台灣』（Taiwan）為全名申請參加所有國際運動賽事及 2020 年東京奧運？」投票結果反對票大於同意票而遭到否決。
�然而，本案公投最詭異的是在 5 場公投意見發表會的辯論中，竟然都沒有反方代表出現，讓東奧正名公投案少了人民可以多了解機會，失去民主國家最重要的意見溝通、理性辯論功能。

另外，之所以不同意票居多是因為中華奧會在公投前發布了關於若改以台灣名義出賽，可能會讓中華奧會停權，也可能讓選手「代表國家」出賽的權益受影響，並指出以公投改變名稱是政治干涉體育。

因為武漢肺炎而延後一年的東京奧運，終於在今天開幕，大家一起為「Chinese Taipei」加油喔🎉
——
📖 延伸閱讀
奧會模式－台灣人出國比賽變成中華台北人？｜楊貴智 https://plainlaw.me/2015/01/26/chinesetaipei/
——
#法律白話文運動
#法律歷史上的今天
#中華奧會 #中國奧會 #中華民國 #中華人民共和國
#中華台北 #中國台北 #中華 #中國
#大家都是Chinese
#不要分彼此

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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雖然嘉納治五郎說政治與運動要分開，但這不過就是種鄉愿，政治與運動環環相扣，特別是在國際競逐的場合。
　　
《韋馱天～東京奧運故事》的第43回，是中華民國台灣的主場，除了中華民國的國旗多次出現，盯著這面國旗的日本人始終稱其為台灣。不要說曾經殖民過台灣的日本人無法分辨台灣與中華民國的關係了，就連生長在這塊土地上的人，許多人至今也無法梳理。
　　
作為這集故事重要的主軸，1962年的雅加達亞運，當時帶領印尼從荷蘭殖民的情形下脫離，並獨立建國的印尼國父蘇加諾，為了展示印尼的國力與獨立性，因此傾全國之力爭取了亞運主辦權，並在國內大興土木，改善基礎建設與興建大型運動場。
　　
然而，蘇加諾本身是伊斯蘭社會主義者，即將古蘭經的部分教義與社會主義揉和後的產物。因此，蘇加諾本人也與實施社會主義的舊蘇聯、中華人民共和國，以及中東伊斯蘭世界國家交好。
　　
在這樣的背景之下，加上得到舊蘇聯的政治與經濟支持承辦亞運，1962年的雅加達亞運，就發生了拒絕發放簽證給以色列與中華民國代表團的情形。
　　
不過非常有趣的一點，當時印尼在所有的亞運正式公報，以及國際來往的文書上都刻意不使用「中華民國」，而是使用「台灣」，這樣的行為當然是不承認敗逃的蔣介石政權作為中國合法政權的正當性，而事實上，在中共的史觀中，中華民國在1949就已經滅亡，中華人民共和國是取代中華民國成為中國的合法政權。
　　
諷刺的是，當時蔣介石政權對於「台灣」二字氣到跳腳，始終巴著「中華民國」不放。然而多年之後，不要說中華民國，連台灣都無法使用，只剩下奧會模式下，自我安慰的「中華台北」。而對外國人來說，Chinese Taipei從來就不是中華台北，而是中國台北。
　　
不過，我們確實曾經使用「台灣」參與奧運賽事。
　　
1960年的羅馬奧運，中華民國奧委會就曾派出台灣「Taiwan」代表隊參加羅馬奧運。當年最有名的一件事是，當奧運代表團入場時，除了大會準備的「Taiwan」的牌子外，代表團自備「under protest」的布條，抗議奧會規定使用「Taiwan」一事。
　　
在1964年的東京奧運時，代表團在入場牌「Taiwan」文字的下方加上「中華民國」四個中文字。
　　
「Taiwan」這個名字經歷了1960、1964、1968三屆奧運，後來隨著1971年，聯合國大會通過2758號決議，中華人民共和國取代中華民國在聯合國的中國代表權與席位，並驅逐蔣介石政權非法佔據席位後，不要說台灣了，也沒有中華民國。（這世界上從來就沒有退出聯合國這一回事，是被逐出聯合國。）
　　
話說回1962年的雅加達亞運，不發簽證給中華民國與以色列的行為引起了許多國家的撻伐，多個比賽項目被迫取消，國際奧會也認定以政治介入運動而祭出罰則，除了撤銷資助並且取消印尼參與1964年東京奧運的資格。
　　
在奧運資格被取消後，隨後，印尼在中華人民共和國、舊蘇聯的支持下，宣布將在1963年舉行獨立於國際奧會之外的賽事「新興力量運動會」。不過大多參與的國家都是社會主義陣營的國家，少數像是日本、法國也有派代表團參與。
　　
但國際奧會也針對參與新興力量運動會的選手開鍘，同樣取消1964年東京奧運的參賽資格。而新興力量運動會也僅舉辦一屆後，就不了了之。
　　
最政治的運動組織，指責政治介入運動，這確實也是荒謬的笑話。
　　
還是那句老話：世界上從來就沒有「運動歸運動，政治歸政治」，所有的事，都是政治。