關於 take make waste中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【韓樂】 Ailee - Make up Your Mind
https://chiungying.pixnet.net/blog/post/35987213

#Ailee #Make_up_Your_Mind #Lovin'

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

最近身邊有許多需要被鼓勵的小精靈們呢，也讓我很鮮明的看見，需要改變的不是那些外在的形象，最大的敵人往往就是一顆自己「看不見自己美麗」的一顆心。

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在一場單人版的蛻變遊戲完成的階段，我陪夥伴一起面對遊戲中所出現「自我價值認同」的議題。

我請夥伴對著自己說「我很美」。我們同意用中文、英文、台語各說一次，讓她試著感覺自己用不同語言表述的接納程度。她先是用中文說：「我很美」，帶著有些靦腆念台詞般的嘗試。接著她用台語說：「娃就水欸......娃就水欸」台語逗趣的喜感讓她忍不住可愛地燦笑出來，是個很美麗而來不及掩飾真實的笑容，那瞬間我好像看到她靈魂的彩光像旋鈕燈泡般忽地亮了起來。

然後她又用英文說：「I am beautiful.... I am beautiful; Yes, I AM beautiful」。她從嘗試，到更自信、更肯定地說，臉上的表情從方才的些許調皮歡鬧變得認真，我彷彿感覺到房裡的光又被調亮了好幾度。如果那個能量能夠被具像化，我想就是看見她的靈魂在這幾句真誠的自我肯定裡，嗶嗶啵啵冒出了好多閃著彩虹光的泡泡。

在她說完後，她身後玻璃窗外停在對面窗台遮蔭下許久的鴿子突然倏地拍翅飛起，這幅景象來得實在太同步了，我都看傻了！像是象徵也肯定著，一個人若能夠允許自己看見自己早已擁有的那雙美麗翅膀，就能在這個當下立即釋放桎梏，飛向更自由寬闊的心靈天地呀。

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就用這首歌送給我的男朋友女朋友們吧，願它能夠為我們帶來轉換的能量。 YOU ARE AMAZING simply because the way you truly are：）

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Philippa Hanna - I Am Amazing 我很完美

I don't wanna waste any more time in the mirror
（我不想再花時間在鏡子上）
Watching my face never change, I don't feel beautiful today
（望著我的臉從未改變，我今天不覺得美）
I don't waste anymore hard earned cash on these miracles
（我不想再花辛苦賺來的錢在創造這些）
That never change the way I feel, don't make me beautiful today
（從未改變我的感受的奇蹟，我今天不覺得美）

How long can I hide-away beneath this disguise?
（我能夠躲藏在這層偽裝之下多久？）
And what drastic measures do I have to take to realise...
（要採取多激烈的手段，我才能夠意識到...）

That I am amazing, in spite of what I can see
（我很完美，就算當我看著自己）
When I look at myself, wishing I could be anyone other than me
（而希望我是任何「不是我」的別人時，我是否能夠看見）

'Cause I was created, with everything I could ever need
（因為我帶著所有我需要的，被創造出來）
So I'm not gonna change, I'm gonna stay
（因此我不要改變，我要保留）
Just the way God made me
（神創造出我的模樣）

I'm not gonna take any more of these lies they've been feeding me
（我不要再相信這些他們餵養我的謊言）
Not gonna listen to the voices of my enemies today
（不要再聽信今日我的敵人所說）
With my feet on solid ground
（我雙腳立足於穩穩的大地）
I'm gonna turn it all around
（我要改變現實）
Because it's time I realised I'm truly beautiful inside
（因為是時候了，我該認知到，我內在真正的美）
And who am I to say that I could do a better job than Him?
（我何以能說我能夠比祂的創作更完美？）

'Cause we are amazing, if only we could believe
（因為我們是如此完美，只要我們願意相信）
That it's all in His hands
（一切都有祂的旨意）
We're a part of a plan that's much bigger than us
（我們是更偉大藍圖的一部份）
Yes, we are amazing, and there's nothing we can't achieve
（對，我們很完美，沒有做不到的事）
And we don't need to change, so I'm gonna stay
（我們不需要改變，所以我要保留）
Just the way God made me
（神創造出我的模樣）

歌詞翻譯 Hema
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