關於 singapore capital and currency ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

สรุปเศรษฐกิจไทย ย้อนหลัง 35 ปี /โดย ลงทุนแมน
จริงๆ แล้ว ช่วงก่อนเกิด Covid-19 เศรษฐกิจไทยมีการเติบโตที่ชะลอตัวอยู่แล้ว
ซึ่งแน่นอนว่า การระบาดของ Covid-19 ก็ทำให้เศรษฐกิจของเรายิ่งย่ำแย่ลงไปอีก

ตอนนี้สงคราม Covid-19 ในประเทศไทยดูเหมือนจะใกล้จบลง...
Continue ReadingSummary of Thai economy 35 years back / by Investing Man.
In fact, before Covid-19, the Thai economy has slowed growth.
The Covid-19 outbreak certainly makes our economy worse.

Now the Covid-19 war in Thailand seems to be close to ending.
But the economic war we are facing seems to never end easily.
How interesting is this? Invest man will tell you about it.
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One of the important beginnings that made Thailand's economy grow in the past. Happened in July. B.E. 1985

When the US that was a huge trade deficit, wanted to reduce USD in comparison to major currency such as Japanese yen and Western Germany's mark, that incident led to Plaza Accord deal.

Even Thailand doesn't directly contribute to such things, but the weakening of US dollars has greatly positively affected the economy of Thailand.

At that time, Thailand has a baht bankrupted with 10 currency basket of the world's main currency. But over 80 % is tied to the USD. This is why the export sector of Thailand has an anime. Let's go too.

Moreover, Japanese yen is heavier than it hits the country's export sector.

This makes the government and private sector of Japan need to look for potential manufacturing bases to do exports, especially in countries where there is no higher wage costs.

While the unrest is neat because the war between Vietnam and Cambodia has resulted in Thailand to become the top choice of Japan and many countries.

Foreign direct investment comes into Thailand to create a phenomenon called the decade of growth of Thailand.

Eastern Seaboard Development Area Development Project is also available for heavy industrial development to create economic value for Thailand in the long term.

This story is why during 1987-1996, the Thai economy grows on average 9.3 % per year, especially in 1988 that has reached 13.3 % level.

This story makes many people say that Thailand will become the 5th tiger of Asia or countries where the economy is rapidly evolving like Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. These 4 countries have become now developed countries.

But this kind of picture that many people hope to happen to Thailand again. It seems to be faded.
Because in the past 10 years, Thai economy has likely slowed down continuously.

Year 2010-2014 GDP Thailand grows on average 3.9 % per year.
Year 2015-2019 GDP Thailand grows on average 3.4 % per year.

The latest in 1 quarter, 2020 Thai economy is 1.8 % negative and it's quite certain that the 2th quarter is ending. Thai economy will be heavily negative because of losing tourists and social distances.

Year 2019 export sector worth 7.6 trillion baht or around 45 % of GDP value.

The income from foreign tourists is worth 1.9 trillion baht or around 11 % of GDP.

The competitiveness of these 2 industries is also based on the movement of Baht.

Now the baht is getting heavier again. Many people are concerned that it will affect future export and tourism income. Even Covid-19 situation in Thailand will look better.

Even the Bank of Thailand is trying to take care of the money from being too hard by selling Baht and buying US dollars.

The evidence is that the Bank of Thailand's international reserve capital has risen more than $ 10,000 million in March to May this year, but it seems that the baht continues to rise.

Of course, the hardness of the baht is both good and bad.
But for Thailand relying on exports and tourism in a greater proportion, it seems to be negatively affecting the Thai economy in the overview.

In the past, we often hear news that many companies gradually close business. Many companies reduce investment. Due to not being able to tolerate the economic downturn, we see increasing number of unemployed countries.

End of quarter 1/2019 There are 346,480 unemployed people in Thailand.
End of quarter 1/2020 There are 391,770 unemployed people in Thailand.

When combined with new graduates entering the labour market, around 400,000 people may increase the number of unemployed in the future.

Information from the industrial department indicates that the number of licensed and informed companies are likely to decrease.

First 4 months of 2019 number of 1,054 Factory
First 4 months of 2020 number of 876 Factory

Moreover, foreign direct investment, which is an investment in the real economic sector through bringing resources, manufacturing, labor and technology into destination countries. Most of which are long-term investments for Thailand are likely to slow down since 2018

Year 2018 Foreign direct investment equals 426,749 million Baht.
Year 2019 Foreign direct investment equals 196,350 million Baht.

Specifically, the investment from Japan in 2019 is reduced to just 79,264 million baht below the level of hundred thousand million baht for the first time since 2015

It seems that the situation of Thailand's Covid-19 is slowly getting better, but there are many things that are challenging the country's economy.

How do we get the country back to growth
How can we make our country move beyond developing countries into developed countries?
To make Thai people live better lives.

Which questions these questions.
It's a question that has been in the heart of many Thai people for long
And it should continue to be the question of our children's generation..
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References
-https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?locations=TH
-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Thailand
-https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Map_Ta_Phut_Industrial_Estate
-https://www.nesdc.go.th/ewt_dl_link.php?nid=10212&filename=QGDP_report
-http://tradereport.moc.go.th/Report/Default.aspx?Report=TradeBalanceMonthly&Lang=Th
-https://www.bot.or.th/App/BTWS_STAT/statistics/BOTWEBSTAT.aspx?reportID=80&language=TH
-https://www.diw.go.th/hawk/content.php?mode=spss63
-https://www.bot.or.th/App/BTWS_STAT/statistics/ReportPage.aspx?reportID=653&language=thTranslated

【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】

美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友（Andrew Nathan）教授最近在《外交事務》（Foreign Affairs）雜誌的專文，值得一看。

黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師，小英總統去哥大演講時，正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴，黎安友也是座上賓。

這篇文章的標題是：「中國如何看待香港危機：北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。

文章很長，而且用英文寫，需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。

Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎，是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位，我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。

這篇文章，是在回答一個疑問：中共為何在香港事件如此自制？有人說是怕西方譴責，有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。

都不是。這篇文章認為，上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。

無論你多痛恨中共，你都必須真實面對你的敵人。

中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的，當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在，中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。

文章有一句話：“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。

中共一點都不焦慮。相反地，中共很有自信，香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體，到最後會支持中共。

這個分化的心理基礎，來自經濟上的利益。

文中還提到，鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制，就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。

1997年，香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年，這個比例降到2.8%。

今日的香港經濟，在中共的評估，是香港需要中國，而不是中國需要香港。

中共正在在意的，是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價，在過去十年內三倍翻漲。

文章是這樣描述：
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”

無論你同不同意這些說法，都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。

有趣的是，黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源（但他並沒有加上個人評論），部分是他自己的觀察。

#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball

新書：《 我在外交部工作 》

**

黎安友原文：

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4

How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint

By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019

Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.

Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.

But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.

Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.

This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”

ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS

Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.

But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.

Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.

At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.

Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.

Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.

IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS

The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.

Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.

Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.

CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?

As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.