今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓,題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿:
It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:
//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.
Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…
In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.
Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.
Thank you very much!//
Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!
Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過7,470的網紅HimeChar 曉玲,也在其Youtube影片中提到,曉玲扮裝女神 中英雙語 試看電影《正宗哥吉拉》與《艾露美》 實況紀錄。太震撼太生動啦~ Cosplay Goddess Char watches movie demo: Godzilla Resurgence, Allumette. Astonishing and vivid! -- More C...
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民間人權陣線
反送中百萬人大遊行一周年聲明
(English version below)
致 香港市民和世界各地關心香港民主自由的同路人
一年前的今日,一百零三萬人在香港島參與民陣反送中大遊行,打破主權移交以來的記錄,亦使香港人走出雨傘運動以來的社運低潮,更再次令全球觸目香港的命途。
也許,不少市民參加去年百萬人大遊行的心態,可能是明知擋不住惡法,也要出來盡一分力、盡一次守護香港、捍衛自己基本人權的義務。林鄭政權在遊行當晚宣布送中惡法如期二讀,進一步激起民憤,也製造社會的絕望。
香港人絕處逢生,在於去年 6 月 12 日,成千上萬的年輕人奮不顧身,擋住立法會如期二讀。政權暫緩惡法,但精神的創傷、肉身的摧殘和人命的代價,依然沉重。
6 月 9 日是香港人抵抗惡法的集體回憶,但它同時是我們共負一軛的開端。過去一年,我們面對警暴、黑幫、惡法、白色恐怖,仍然負隅頑抗;無論是前線手足,抑或後勤專業,皆前仆後繼,延續反送中運動的生命力和意志。
人大港版國安法即將壓境,我們相信,香港人和全球各地支持民主自由的朋友,對香港的命運相當憂慮,甚至感到挫折。但我們過去一年的努力,已為香港創造不少奇蹟:和勇不分擋住惡法、創造黃色經濟圈打破親中資本霸權、新工會運動遍地開花、區議會選舉的勝利、以及香港在全球公民社會對抗威權的前沿地位。
二零二零年,全球因著武漢肺炎大流行,深刻體會專制政權如何破壞全球公共衛生安全;世界各地民眾反對種族主義和警察暴力的示威,也令香港人明白到抗爭之路,並不孤單。我們要信任自己、信任手足:在黑夜中堅持到底,就會見到天明。
毋忘六月,就是毋忘香港人抗爭的血淚史。民陣會繼續籌辦七一遊行,希望全港市民,守護記憶、頂住惡法,為香港和我們的未來奮鬥。
五大訴求,缺一不可!
抵抗惡法,戰鬥到底!
民間人權陣線
2020 年 6 月 9 日
—
Civil Human Rights Front
Statement to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-extradition Mass Protest
To: Hong Kong citizens and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty all over the world
A year ago today, 1.03 million Hongkongers joined the anti-extradition mass protest organized by the Civil Human Rights Front on the Hong Kong Island. The huge turnout broke the record of all the mass rallies held after the handover, and symbolized a powerful resurgence of social movements from the doldrums after the Umbrella Movement. Once again, the fate of our city returns to international limelight.
Perhaps many citizens did not have high hopes on stopping the evil extradition bill when they joined the protest. Yet they wished to contribute their efforts, to protect the city, and to fulfill their duties in defending their basic human rights. On the night of the mass protest, Carrie Lam’s administration announced that the extradition bill would resume second reading in the Legislative Council as scheduled. This further fuelled the anger of the people, and destroyed any hope that remained.
Quite unexpectedly, thousands of youngsters valiantly blocked the resumption of the second reading on 12 June last year. The government finally yielded and suspended the bill. However, the psychological and physical injuries sustained by protesters have been and still are very heavy.
The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers. It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city. In the past year, we have been steadfastly resisting police brutality, triads, evil laws and white terror. Both the front-liners and those providing logistics support are sparing no efforts in maintaining the vitality and willpower of the anti-extradition movement.
The National People’s Congress is imposing a Hong Kong version of the National Security Law on Hong Kong. Hongkongers and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty around the world are deeply worried and frustrated about such a law. Yet, we have seen miracle after miracle coming out of our tireless efforts in the past year, including the concerted efforts of the valiant and the peaceful-rational in resisting the evil law, the creation of the Yellow Economic Circle to break the hegemony of PRC capital, the blooming of new labour unions, the landslide victories in District Council elections, and Hong Kong’s frontline role in the global fight of civil societies against autocracy.
The pandemic in 2020 reminds us how a totalitarian regime endangers global public health. The protests against racism and police brutality in different parts of the world tell us that we Hongkongers are not alone. Trust ourselves. Trust our fellow protesters (our “hands and feet”). Persevere in the dark, and we will see light!
Remember June is to remember the history of Hong Kong’s protests, a history of blood and tears. As in past years, Civil Human Rights Front will lodge an application for the July 1 mass rally. We call upon all Hongkongers to preserve our memory, to resist evil law, and to fight hard for Hong Kong and our future.
Five demands, Not one less
Resist evil law, Fight till the end
Civil Human Rights Front
9 June 2020
———
【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront
【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk
民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
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resurgence中文 在 喜劇演員 Facebook 的精選貼文
民間人權陣線
反送中百萬人大遊行一周年聲明
(English version below)
致 香港市民和世界各地關心香港民主自由的同路人
一年前的今日,一百零三萬人在香港島參與民陣反送中大遊行,打破主權移交以來的記錄,亦使香港人走出雨傘運動以來的社運低潮,更再次令全球觸目香港的命途。
也許,不少市民參加去年百萬人大遊行的心態,可能是明知擋不住惡法,也要出來盡一分力、盡一次守護香港、捍衛自己基本人權的義務。林鄭政權在遊行當晚宣布送中惡法如期二讀,進一步激起民憤,也製造社會的絕望。
香港人絕處逢生,在於去年 6 月 12 日,成千上萬的年輕人奮不顧身,擋住立法會如期二讀。政權暫緩惡法,但精神的創傷、肉身的摧殘和人命的代價,依然沉重。
6 月 9 日是香港人抵抗惡法的集體回憶,但它同時是我們共負一軛的開端。過去一年,我們面對警暴、黑幫、惡法、白色恐怖,仍然負隅頑抗;無論是前線手足,抑或後勤專業,皆前仆後繼,延續反送中運動的生命力和意志。
人大港版國安法即將壓境,我們相信,香港人和全球各地支持民主自由的朋友,對香港的命運相當憂慮,甚至感到挫折。但我們過去一年的努力,已為香港創造不少奇蹟:和勇不分擋住惡法、創造黃色經濟圈打破親中資本霸權、新工會運動遍地開花、區議會選舉的勝利、以及香港在全球公民社會對抗威權的前沿地位。
二零二零年,全球因著武漢肺炎大流行,深刻體會專制政權如何破壞全球公共衛生安全;世界各地民眾反對種族主義和警察暴力的示威,也令香港人明白到抗爭之路,並不孤單。我們要信任自己、信任手足:在黑夜中堅持到底,就會見到天明。
毋忘六月,就是毋忘香港人抗爭的血淚史。民陣會繼續籌辦七一遊行,希望全港市民,守護記憶、頂住惡法,為香港和我們的未來奮鬥。
五大訴求,缺一不可!
抵抗惡法,戰鬥到底!
民間人權陣線
2020 年 6 月 9 日
—
Civil Human Rights Front
Statement to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-extradition Mass Protest
To: Hong Kong citizens and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty all over the world
A year ago today, 1.03 million Hongkongers joined the anti-extradition mass protest organized by the Civil Human Rights Front on the Hong Kong Island. The huge turnout broke the record of all the mass rallies held after the handover, and symbolized a powerful resurgence of social movements from the doldrums after the Umbrella Movement. Once again, the fate of our city returns to international limelight.
Perhaps many citizens did not have high hopes on stopping the evil extradition bill when they joined the protest. Yet they wished to contribute their efforts, to protect the city, and to fulfill their duties in defending their basic human rights. On the night of the mass protest, Carrie Lam’s administration announced that the extradition bill would resume second reading in the Legislative Council as scheduled. This further fuelled the anger of the people, and destroyed any hope that remained.
Quite unexpectedly, thousands of youngsters valiantly blocked the resumption of the second reading on 12 June last year. The government finally yielded and suspended the bill. However, the psychological and physical injuries sustained by protesters have been and still are very heavy.
The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers. It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city. In the past year, we have been steadfastly resisting police brutality, triads, evil laws and white terror. Both the front-liners and those providing logistics support are sparing no efforts in maintaining the vitality and willpower of the anti-extradition movement.
The National People’s Congress is imposing a Hong Kong version of the National Security Law on Hong Kong. Hongkongers and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty around the world are deeply worried and frustrated about such a law. Yet, we have seen miracle after miracle coming out of our tireless efforts in the past year, including the concerted efforts of the valiant and the peaceful-rational in resisting the evil law, the creation of the Yellow Economic Circle to break the hegemony of PRC capital, the blooming of new labour unions, the landslide victories in District Council elections, and Hong Kong’s frontline role in the global fight of civil societies against autocracy.
The pandemic in 2020 reminds us how a totalitarian regime endangers global public health. The protests against racism and police brutality in different parts of the world tell us that we Hongkongers are not alone. Trust ourselves. Trust our fellow protesters (our “hands and feet”). Persevere in the dark, and we will see light!
Remember June is to remember the history of Hong Kong’s protests, a history of blood and tears. As in past years, Civil Human Rights Front will lodge an application for the July 1 mass rally. We call upon all Hongkongers to preserve our memory, to resist evil law, and to fight hard for Hong Kong and our future.
Five demands, Not one less
Resist evil law, Fight till the end
Civil Human Rights Front
9 June 2020
———
【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront
【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk
民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
Whatsapp / SMS / Telegram
請提供資料:(*必要)
1. 被捕地點
2. 中文全名*
3. 英文全名
4. 身份證號碼
5. 性別、年齡
6. 當事人電話
7. 所在警署
8. 緊急聯絡人電話*
9. 報料人電話*(若與緊急聯絡人不同)
10. 其他詳情(如有)
resurgence中文 在 HimeChar 曉玲 Youtube 的最佳解答
曉玲扮裝女神 中英雙語 試看電影《正宗哥吉拉》與《艾露美》 實況紀錄。太震撼太生動啦~
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