關於 post office翻譯 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

人間有情，全球最佳老師

今日Global Teacher Prize嘅得獎者係印度一個村落嘅小學老師Ranjitsinh Disale，本來佢希望自己學校嘅女學生，就算被父母迫停學準備嫁人（小學生！！！），都可以上足100%嘅課堂完成小學，所以用有限嘅資源做網上教育，自己一個做晒翻譯、設計教材、功課、課程。只要啲小朋友用QR Code就可以上堂，結果佢嘅QR Code被當地政府教育部門採用，咁就伸展到83個國家，幫到受呢種傳統或者戰亂影響嘅小朋友。

就係咁就就响全球萬幾個參與嘅老師之中，被選為世界最佳老師，將會得到一百萬美金獎金，佢講咗會捐一半比有需要嘅學生。

#好熱血嘅老師

報導：
《The Telegraph》Top Indian teacher wins $1m and gives half away
https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2020/12/03/top-indian-teacher-wins-1m-gives-half-away-british-nominee-named/

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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

FB大神向中國國家主席道歉，因為翻譯緬甸外交部個post做英文嘅時候，譯咗做 "Mr. Shithole"。

為求Fact Check，費事有咩誤會，終於揾到原post！

#嗰嘢真係壞咗
#係唔啱㗎
#下次唔好

Photo Source：Myanmar State Counsellor Office FB
報導：
The Guardian
https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2020/jan/18/facebook-xi-jinping-mr-shithole
Reuters
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-myanmar-facebook/facebook-apologizes-after-vulgar-translation-of-chinese-leaders-name-idUSKBN1ZH0IB
Independant
https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/gadgets-and-tech/news/facebook-translate-xi-xinping-china-mr-shithole-myanmar-a9289626.html

金庸查良鏞完美八字外的遺憾，前妻朱玫死於街頭，明報員工多會罵老查。世間對藍潔瑛的關愛由死後開始，藍潔瑛的才華不亞於金庸，屢遭新聞界欺凌利用。命好、命差比拚。戊戌年死得人多，120年前戊戍維新、60年前大躍進。
#藍潔瑛 #查良鏞 #雙查方案
==========
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==========
Wong Wai Man 2018年11月6日星期二下午5:00

查良鏞死了，藍潔瑛也死了，今年戊戌，離世的名人很多，但這兩人是不同的。他兩人的命造，常出現在我們的八字紫微課堂上。

查良鏞擁有一個近乎完美的八字，凶星生旺吉星，金木水火土，任何五行對他都有不同作用。

動盪的時代，流離的歲月，貧困的日子，造就了他創作不朽的作品。名滿天下，金錢來了，女人來了。財生官旺，社會地位，權勢影響力，什麼都來了。鄧小平親自接見，視為香港國師，他也自視如此，建議香港九七後的政治模式，推出「雙查方案」。

藍潔瑛是另一個極端，她拿的，是一個糟糕透頂的八字組合。

什麼才是最差的命？

平庸、貧困、孤零、愚蠢、多病，都只是平凡人，一生基層生活而已，你我大部份人都如此。不好，但談不上不幸。

給你貌若天仙，給你才華機會，給你舞台掌聲，給你顛倒眾生，城中公子都想一親香澤。但這些加起來，都不是幸福，而是製造痛苦。

比劫生傷食，傷食又迴剋官殺。任何上天的祝福，都變作人生的詛咒。

愈是名滿天下，愈是多人追求，她的任性、脾氣就會發作，最後傷害的，是男緣和事業。

一生人，只有十年的好運。所謂好運，也只不過是行印星，名滿天下，才華出眾，但印生比劫，比劫生傷，又迴剋官殺……成名，只是等待更大的傷害來臨。

她生前，得到的關懷友誼很少；死後，廉價的同情很多。想盡辦法一親香澤的男人多，給她倚傍，給她幸福，願和她走半生的人，根本沒有。

她不易相處，她亦飽受欺凌。

欺凌她最甚的，不是命運，不是什麼大哥，是新聞界。

對她尤甚於對蔡楓華。

生前，媒體對她用刀，刀刀見骨；死後，將她捧上天空，只是突顯她一生寂寞。

命理中，吉星生旺凶星的表表者。理論上，金木水火土，五行都不能用。

兩個極端的命造，就常常作為我們上課的例子。

一陰一陽之謂道。

宇宙間第一條法則，有陰就有陽，有陽就有陰，幸福背後必有遺憾，愈大的幸福包藏的，必是愈大的傷痛。

查生於1924年甲子年浙江，近代史上最動盪的歲月，成長於日本侵華的時候，抗戰勝利，四五年入上海大公報當翻譯。

如果是太平歲月，他一生就是報社翻譯了。

但抗戰勝利 ，國共又大戰，四九年中共建政，他要避秦香江了。

外省人在香港人浮於事，只能再入大公報，和在左派電影公司當編劇謀生。

微薄收入，他們一家只能租住簡而清的一個房間。

坎坷的歲月，在培養一支名成利就的命運。

五五年，一場比武，白鶴對太極門兩大高手，要擂台決一生死。香港政府不批准，澳門何賢主辦在澳門舉行。香港人追此新聞如癡如醉。新晚報總編見此氛圍，建議兩位同事在報寫武俠連載。

陳文統化名梁羽生，寫《龍虎鬥京華》，查良鏞化名金庸，寫《書劍恩仇錄》。

這就是凶星生旺吉星的最佳寫照。

《書劍》之後，就是《射鵰》。

1959年，單憑兩本書的版稅，他已急不及待，在灣仔和太太朱玫，創辦《明報》，開始《神鵰俠侶》的連載。

平步青雲，金庸神話開始了。

完美的八字組合，凶星生旺吉星的結構，金木水火土可用的五行，大運的配合，但仍有天干合化，不見了通關之神的流年。

四名子女，最寵愛的大兒子查傳俠，七六年在紐約自殺身亡；查遇到了細他三十年的阿May，和朱玫離婚。朱玫和查家任何人斷絕往來，一人獨居灣仔唐樓，在《明報》創業的路段拾荒，最後死於街頭。

她用這個方法對查報復，查家的幸福要帶有她朱玫的淚影。

我和大部份香港人一樣，少年時代都是看金庸小說長大，和看明報社論了解國情。離開學校後，我曾經在他的報館工作，近距離看過他的老闆威嚴和帝王權術。

明報著名人工低，稿費低。

但老闆總有他的看法：

工資，是由市場決定的，
市場價值又基於供求。
人人都想來明報上班，在明報寫稿。
我們每年暑假，都收到幾百封，來自港大中大畢業生的求職信。
我們不需要調整薪金的，
因為，來明報，不是為錢，
是光榮來的…………………

在編輯部，似乎沒有人敢和他說話，包括當時的總編輯潘粵生，都是他召見，他在說，其他人在聽。

不明白的，也不敢問。

除了字房的No.2肥佬翁枝。

每到深夜，只等查生的社論未寫好，翁枝就拿著他版檯用的那鐵尺，在查的房門拍打：

出唔出報紙呀？
係咪唔出喇？
星島喺條街賣緊喇！
唔出報紙了嗎？

王司馬是明報明周的美術主任，他死的那一天，查叫了採訪主任龍國雲（筆名陳非），入他房間。阿龍出來，一言不發，拚命吸著他的煙斗。

不斷噴煙，好一會兒，喃喃自語：
（我在他對面，但他應該不是對我說）
喪禮報館負責。
老闆叫我，看著辦！
看著辦，看著辦，什麼是看著辦？
八千元是看著辦，八萬元是看著辦，十八萬也是看著辦。
其實，老闆想點搞呢？

他喜歡下條子，在編輯部同事的檯面玻璃壓下字條，寥寥幾字，看得懂的跟著執行，看不懂的，猜著執行。反正，沒有人敢問。

他享高齡過世，死後極盡榮哀，有人比擬他為中文世界的莎士比亞。事實上，我們上課時，舉例用金庸小說人物，比用《紅樓》《三國》效果好，幾乎人人都知你說的是誰。

但打過他工的人，很少對他有好感。那些早期高層，當過總編、主編的，多年後見面，像梁小中、韓中璇，說起老查，都是大罵。印象中，只有潘粵生，謹慎，說起查生，他都不搭嘴。

至於藍潔瑛，生前死後，旁人對她的說話，是截然不同的。

世間對她的關愛，諷刺地，由她死後開始。

我在TVB時，正值她艷絕五台山的開始。論古裝，電影王祖賢，電視藍潔瑛。但她不珍惜，那時，鄭裕彤的二公子鄭家成在追求她。

電視台幕後，說起她，都說難搞，無法溝通。

戲劇組的人說，她不看報紙雜誌劇本，嫌油墨骯髒；黑口黑面，遲到，唔想做。

綜藝科的人說，她無腦，叫她上婦女節目，做做宣傳，叫她帶些旅行各地買的東西入廠，說說見聞。她帶了十個八個大小不一的LV皮箱。

娛樂記者說她，好實際。屈男人入時裝店，買一堆衫，什麼尺碼都不理。翌日，車回時裝店，問老闆半價收不收回？

反正，關於她的，從沒有一句好說話。

死後的美語好說話，如果能分一半在生前對她說，那她的人生，是否沒有那麼寂寞？

金庸有一套武俠小說全集傳世，其實，藍潔瑛也不差，《大時代》的玲姐，對著鄭少秋、劉松仁、劉青雲這些高手，一分不蝕。有幾場戲，一直在我腦海中，劉松仁死了，鄭少秋歪理癡情，一堆爛泥的劉青雲，她淒苦無援，連死都好像沒有資格。《西遊記》中的春三十娘，冷艷執迷，眼神鋒利而撩人心魄。可能，這些才是真正的藍潔瑛。

她的真實人生，不懂得表達自己，要通過戲劇角色，將真正自己釋放出來。她的真我一直困在肉體內，她不懂得在俗世生存。

我眼中，藍的才華，不亞於金庸。

2018年11月6日星期二下午5:00
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