關於 human resources中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

難道我這陣子都在德國人面前硬拗？


自從4月11日，一個星期六（周末！），陳時中部長公布了衛福部於去年12月31日寫給世衛組織的電子郵件之後，我不管是德國媒體採訪﹑和國會議員或基金會青年團體分享、交換台灣對武漢病毒之防疫狀況，都有用這封信來作為談話資料。接下來，兩週之內，我至少還有三個視訊會議和此地不同組織的朋友要談台灣抗疫經驗與WHO對我之態度及後面的中國。沒想到，陳佩琪醫師昨天在她的臉書公開寫道：

「先前跟世衛的電子郵件爭議，我個人認為這是武漢發佈的訊息，我們只不過是接獲訊息後去電想跟世衛要更多的訊息而已」。我立刻陷入一個難題：怎麼和我的理解差那麼多？假如她是對的，那我接下來，還能再「硬拗」下去嗎？這事嚴重了。而如果陳醫師真的是對的，那只怪陳部長「硬拗」，也太小兒科了些，何不就直接說他「蓄意詐騙」？！

有人第一時間就說她配合世衛組織和老共，長他人威風，滅自己人志氣。但我不這麼想，不以人廢言，如果她是對的，明天開始，我就絕口不提此信。但我得先確認，陳醫師是對的嗎？

按照她自己的說法，她的判斷基礎有二。其一，「以我的英文程度」，其二，「當時台灣自己手邊沒有自己的病例。」糟糕，我的博士是德語文學，她敢這麼這麼講，必然對她的英文信心滿滿。但是，茲事體大，我們還是一齊來看一下，到底那封台灣衛福部寫給世衛組織的英文信是怎麼寫法？這封信其實蠻簡短的，共四句而已（中文翻譯是我自己的）：

第一句：
News resources today indicate that at least seven atypical pneumonia cases were reported in Wuhan,CHINA.
中文：
今天有新聞資訊指出，中國武漢市至少有七例被證實/上報的非典型肺炎病例。（「上報」在此是「往上報」的意思）。

第二句：
Their health authorities replied to the media that the cases were believed not SARS; however the samples are still under examination, and cases have been isloated for treatment.
中文：
他們的衛生當局對媒體回應說，這些病例相信並非SARS；但是樣本仍在檢驗中，並且已經對隔離中的病患進行治療。

第三句：
I would greatly appreciate it if you have relevant information to share with us.
中文：
如果您有相關訊息可以分享給我們，我們將不勝感激。

第四句：
Thank you very much in advance for your attention to this matter. Best Regards。
中文：
在此先謝謝您對此事的關注。祝好


好了，如果陳醫師讀到的原文和我這裡列出來的是同一封的話，那，對不起，這封信豈止是要個資訊而已！要資訊的基礎是「擔心」和「警惕」！為什麼擔心？看看老共衞生當局所説的「Cases were believed not SARS」這句話裡的「were believed」表示「沒十足把握」，是「據信」的意思，若「百分百不是SARS」，那就省掉「believed」而直接寫「Cases were not SARS」就可以了。換句話，這是瞎子吃湯圓，心裡有數。不管是心裡有數也好，或是心裡嘀咕著也好，既然「樣本仍在檢驗中」，（不就擺明，前面的「據信」是遮掩之遁詞？!)，反正，至少就印證了「小心！」，「小心」什麼？小心「人傳人」啊！那怎麼辦？那得「隔離」啊！世衛組織看到「隔離」會無感嗎？還是「不敢有感」？

換句話說，衛福部這封信有兩個功能：「要資訊」和「給資訊」。而「給資訊」常常也用來執行「提醒、警惕或警告」的功能。譬如，我們常常會聽到路邊有人喊說：「有車來了！」（不是「車來了！」）或者交通標誌會有「右方來車」以提醒用路人，並不一定要說：「我提醒你，有車來了。」或「我警告你，右方來車」。

哇！有臉友立則回應的例子更傳神：

「我看到妳家在冒煙.....」
1、這樣不算警告你家有可能失火了？
2、我家沒被燒過，怎知冒煙就是失火？

無論如何，若連我一個既非醫學系亦非英文系的人都能讀出這封信裡給好給滿的「提醒或警告」意涵，請問一下，以防疫為重要執掌的WHO對這些描述會無感嗎？可以無感嗎？他們不必回頭趕快去確認並要求中國「說實話嗎？」

再來，就算是「要資訊」也可能是一種「提醒或警告」，婉轉，但不會沒聽到。「有沒有相關資訊可分享」的意思就是「有的話，可否告訴我們實況。沒有的話，麻煩趕快去問中國真相，那是WHO的責任！」。

最後，我們來看第四句結尾的話：
Thank you very much in advance for your attention to this matter. Best Regards
這句話的關鍵字是「 this matter」或更精確一點，是「this」。一般結尾，只要「Thank you very much for your attention」就夠了，中文的意思就相當於「謝謝您的費心／麻煩您了」。但是「Thank you very much in advance for your attention to this matter.」
就不是「費心」和「麻煩」了，而是「在此先謝謝您關注此事了」。重點在「關注此事」！
陳醫師說，「台灣沒有病例」，怎麼可能警告？這個概念是，車子來了，等被它撞到，才能警告嗎？我告訴德國人，台灣人因為有2003年的SARS慘痛經驗，所以幾乎是「一朝被蛇咬，十年怕草繩」（德文是「Gebranntes Kind scheut das Feuer」，被燙過的孩子看到火就怕）。陳醫師大概不知道或忘了台灣人對中國傳過來的病毒之戒慎恐懼，更別說，大家都知道，但她可能不知道，獨裁政權國家如中國對「真相」之控制永遠高於對「疫情」之控制。

總之，話說回頭，WHO當然可以說，他們沒看到「人傳人」（human to human）也不排除他們真的沒有被「警告或提醒」的感覺。但是，WHO無感，也不必然意味著陳時中部長沒提醒或警告啊！

陳醫師對WHO展現佛心就算了，還倒打一耙，指衛福部或陳時中硬拗，這就有點廁所裡撐竿跳 ，過糞／份了吧。
不管台灣提醒或警告的是「中國有非典可能」或「世衛拜託別裝傻」，事實的發展證明了，WHO的主事者睡到中午（或顧忌中國）而感受不到這些，致令天下生靈塗炭，的確令人扼腕不已。
接下來所有視訊或討論，我決定相信陳部長的英明，不相信陳醫師的英文。
以她的中文程度，應該看得懂我寫的是什麼。也就是説，沒什麼。

*
本文也為所有抗病毒、抗中及配合中國打壓台灣之WHO的駐外人員而寫。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

異性戀之內：非人力資源記事　◎黃裕邦
　
諷刺的是，我靠數算暗角度日。
浴缸滲水的彎角，蜘蛛網
旁邊的楔子。我依靠它們。
　
的確耐人尋味，升降機只效忠
垂直之物。告示說
如遇升降機生命故障，
　
請按此掣。放開後即可通話——
我養的寵物蛾，日出時拆出
翅膀，牠用扭曲的腳
　
匍匐爬行，從中得到安慰。
我不冷，我穿船襪。我那些跨過
門檻、邊境、心靈的鞋子
　
藏在室內，跟羞恥一樣，聞起來
新鮮有如刺身。叫我死基佬吧，
反正我不會游泳。我的炮仗花
　
向橫生長，向眾多溺水的章魚
反肚。我的德國紀念品說
「Glück」，但值得紀念的時刻往往過於龐大
　
不能框住。我想簡簡單單，細節卻越來越多。
戀物不過就是細節。請給我AA電池，
我在光天化日下帶著手電筒四處走
　
--
　
◎作者簡介
　　
黃裕邦（Nicholas Wong）
2016年憑藉英語詩集《Crevasse》奪得美國LGBTQ文學獎——Lambda Literary Awards 男同志詩歌組別首獎，同年榮獲香港藝術發展獎藝術新秀獎（文學藝術）

◎譯者簡介

徐晞文，香港中文大學翻譯系畢業，自由譯者，曾獲青年文學獎翻譯公開組亞軍、香港中文文學創作獎文學評論組優異獎

--
　　
◎小編李昱賢賞析

壓迫從不會發生在光天化日之下
而是深埋社會當中

這首詩出自黃裕邦的《天裂》，而這本書是黃裕邦為自己於2016年出版的英詩作品《Crevasse》所出的翻譯版本，而這首詩即是譯自其中〈Inside Heterosexuality: Notes on Non-Human Resources〉詩題將社會裡的人做劃分，點出了詩的主旨是在探討相對主流性向的同性戀在社會中的地位、所承受目光、使用資源的「權力」等，而原文詩題使用的是更激烈的「非人類資源記事」。
　
由於黃裕邦為香港人，母語為粵語，因此詩中也不乏粵語的思維和語法。在粵語中會以「彎」、「曲」去對比「直」、「正常」以分別代表同志和異性戀，因此詩人在頭兩段即藉由這樣的意象玩了文字遊戲，也在其他段落有類似的運用。「浴缸滲水的彎角，蜘蛛網／旁邊的楔子。我依靠它們」對比彎角，楔子是相對筆直的物品，說明在社會中同性戀在許多層面仍需要依靠異性戀，無論是在認同上或是基本權利上。
　
至於第二段，表面上升降機正常運作是常識，詩人在此將升降機(lift)與生命(life)做連結，藉由敘述升降機由於物理性的原則只效忠垂直的升降操作，嘲諷社會上的資源只為異性戀來服務，而並無考慮到其他的生命。
　
敘述遞進，詩人也繼續使用「扭曲的腳」、「船襪」、「向橫生長」等延續對比垂直、正常之物的彎曲意象。
　
來到詩的尾聲，「我在光天化日下帶著手電筒四處走」的原文為「I carry a torch in broad daylight.」，「carry a torch」指的是單相思的愛戀狀態，翻譯下來即為我在廣闊的日光下單戀。說明了詩人期待有一天同志能不用在意社會的眼光，在光天化日下能不必畏畏縮縮的戀愛。

全詩在句式上非常特別，以一段三行、斷句零散的方式貫穿整首詩。內容直白而真摯，詩人藉由描繪直與彎的兩種意象代指同志在社會中的處境，也在末尾提出了其感性的呼告，希望喚起這個異性戀主體的社會去重視其他多元傾向的生命和權利。

　
*
由於《天裂》一書為原文作品的翻譯出版，因此有些文字運用上在為了不失真的情況下會異於中文常見語法，需要拐個彎才能了解意思。我推薦大家去閱讀原文的版本，除了更深入的瞭解這首詩的內容，以不同的語言閱讀時也會有不同感受，謹在此附上這首的原文版

〈Inside Heterosexuality: Notes on Non-Human Resources〉

Irony is I count corner to survive.
Leaking turns of a tub, a door
wedge near a cobweb. I count on them.

How interesting lifts are faithful
only to the vertical. A sign says
In case of lift life breakdown,

press the button. Release. Speak—
My pet moth dismantles its wings
at dawn, it has found comfort

crawling on it's crooked feet.
I am warm, I wear low-cut socks. My shoes
to cross thresholds, borders, and minds

are kept indoors, like shame, which smells
fresh, like sashimi. Call me faggot
I cannot swim anyway, my firecracker

vines grow sideways like drowning octopi
upside down. My German memento says
Glück, but moments always are too big

to be framed. I want simple, but details begin.
Fetishes are simply details. Give me AA batteries.
I carry a torch in broad daylight.
　
--
　
美術設計：靖涵/Instagram:c__nh_n

https://cendalirit.blogspot.com/2019/04/20190430.html

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Youtube/互聯網上不能搜尋的一個字是什麼?

SEO Search engine optimization是很多Digital Marketing公司研究關鍵字與搜尋結果的關係. 像Google或Youtube這些公司會重金禮聘一些叫Crawlers的軟件爬到互聯網確認一些推薦的網站.

作為1個二三線的Youtuber我也常常爬到search engine看看什麼關鍵字最受歡迎

找到美國Youtuber Blameitorjorge最近出了一條十分Viral的影片. 有關網上一個不可以打的一個字

[都巿傳說]

2015年11月討論區出現了一份由匿名網友分享一個神秘女子的故事. 故事中的女生會常常在不同的公司做臨時工作. 其中一次她於一間快倒閉的電腦程式設計公司幫手清潔和收拾. 她在收拾紙箱時發現其中一個箱子上寫了 ‘E,R,A,T,A,S’ Eratas一個字. 公司剩下只有一名老員工, 他叫這位女子不淮跟任何人提起Eratas. 因爲公司電腦?面原來有種代碼專門追查有搜尋這個字的員工然後將他們解僱.

同年12月討論區出現了另一個匿名信息問有關Erratas, 但寫法拼發多了一個R. 話說2000年至2010年期間, 多名大公司的人力資源部門Human resources會用一個名Erratas的電腦程式去做出對員工一些侵權的行為. 是將每位員工的所有資料全交給一個神秘部門.
涉及的企業有: 美國輸送公司UPS和美國能源公司Ecolab. 這個指控出來之後也只是被當成其中一個網上陰謀論.

直至16’年1月網路世界另一邊, 一個音樂討論區出現了一個名’暗網’ 的奇怪曲風. 是把極少人觀看次數的Youtube片剪接成為背景音樂. 當中提供了9個Youtube影片link. 9個影片裡面最不可思議是Youtuber Chronosforlife的影片: Youtube is MONITORING and controlling my life. 當中這位無名Youtuber提出的個案到現在也是對ERRATAS最恐怖的真實解釋.

該名Youtuber死去的母親最愛的電影就是 ‘侏羅記公園’ 她上載的 ‘侏羅記’ 影片該Youtuber指被Youtube的程式針對. 詳情是: 母親多條深愛的侏羅記影片被Youtube刪除. 相信和本身強大的版權系統是有關係. 該Youtuber另一條有關 ‘侏羅記’ 第三集的影片尾段有一段莫斯密碼, 被翻譯後是: Hollywood astral projection clinic. 到現在也沒有人知道是什麼意思.
同時Chronosforlife上載第三條名Here goes nothing影片, description寫著不能說的那個禁字, 試著會不會被Youtube刪除. 結果沒有. 雖然該影片今時今日還是存在, 但成功帶動了一陣想破解這個案件的熱潮. 主因是Here goes nothing影片中的字幕有一段地址: 200 Corbin KY 40219. 被揭出該地址屬於一隊叫KFC Murder Chicks的女子獨立樂隊.

[ARG]
說到這裡, 本人認為跟1年前調查的Ashvlogs事件相似. 一大堆神秘後女主只是一位演員. 事件亦只是為娛樂的ARG遊戲. 由其是這個故事開頭第一個找到Erratas那位女生自我介紹時也說自己是樂隊成員, 和一個毛君島強姦犯Tod Ellsworth的素描有關後,
多位網民表示整件事只為了宣傳KFC Murder chicks樂隊或只是ARG遊戲.

但如果我跟你講KFC Murder Chicks整個網頁之後完全消失, 一個名Exer Erb的Youtube頻道因提及Erratas無辜被Youtube刪除, 多個提及Erratas這個字的討論區被禁止出現, 那Erratas是否真的只是KFC murder chucks一個巨大的宣傳計劃啊? 還是真的是現在陰謀論所講的解釋啊?

[陰謀論]

到2019年9月Youtuber Blameitonjorge講關於此事件的影片到現在有超過一百萬觀看次數. 重新燃起大家對此事件的看法.
普遍對於Erratas這個字的解釋是他是大企業背後用來監視員工行爲的東西. 但從細節可以看到這幕後黑手可能更深入.

如果他們真的對政府和郵局這樣不相任, 那我可以回想到初時第一間被指跟Erratas事件有關的UPS公司. 美國政府真的是用這種不同方式控制一些大企業監視所有人嗎? 而Erratas是不是我們對這個問題的答案的唯一線索呢?

...有想過把Erratas倒轉寫嗎?

#獵頭 #搵錢 #工作面試
Wanna give you guys more idea about recruitment firm / recruitment agency / headhunter / recruiter.
有問題的歡迎在comment box發問～～
--

在之前的Instagram Q&A發覺大家對我的工作十分有興趣，所以就有這個系列的誕生了！！！！
獵頭（Headhunting / Executive Search）其實意指「網羅高級人才」，一般指高職位／高薪金的人才。
初入行的人如我其實算是 Recruiter / Recruitment Consultant （人事顧問／招聘顧問）。
但為免影片內容太複雜，這裡就混為一談了～
--

|| CONNECT WITH AGNES ||
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關於我的工作vol.1：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i8LiPDRD8xs
關於我的工作vol.2：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=durIbFGnA2w
關於我讀的學科－教育系：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e4CB85lg9aY&t=2s
讀了四年教育系，我對 DSE 的看法：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=33HN5w0eDmA&t=26s
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由於我實在是沒時間加上字幕了，歡迎任何人替我加上字幕（英文和中文），幫了我忙的人記得加完後Email你的名字和地址到[email protected]或instagram message到agnesltyx，我會送你小禮物一份?♥♥
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Tags: 獵頭 獵頭公司 事業顧問 人事顧問 招聘顧問 策略事業企劃 工作企劃 前途 面試技巧 揾工技巧 人力資源 辦工室政治 職場 商場 戰場 銷售 銷售技巧 人力資源 Career consultant; strategic career planning; Interview skills ; job hunting skills; office politic; human resources

#獵頭 #搵錢 #工作面試
Wanna give you guys more idea about recruitment firm / recruitment agency / headhunter / recruiter.
有問題的歡迎在comment box發問～～
——
在之前的Instagram Q&A發覺大家對我的工作十分有興趣，所以就有這個系列的誕生了！！！！
獵頭（Headhunting / Executive Search）其實意指「網羅高級人才」，一般指高職位／高薪金的人才。
初入行的人如我其實算是 Recruiter / Recruitment Consultant （人事顧問／招聘顧問）。
但為免影片內容太複雜，這裡就混為一談了～
—
關於我讀的學科－教育系：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e4CB85lg9aY&t=2s
讀了四年教育系，我對 DSE 的看法：https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=33HN5w0eDmA&t=26s
——
由於我實在是沒時間加上字幕了，歡迎任何人替我加上字幕（英文和中文），幫了我忙的人記得加完後Email你的名字和地址到[email protected]或instagram message到agnesltyx，我會送你小禮物一份?♥♥
——
|| FIND ME AT ||
|Facebook page| https://www.facebook.com/agnesltyx/
|Instagram| https://www.instagram.com/agnesltyx/
|Email| [email protected]
——
Tags: 獵頭 獵頭公司 事業顧問 人事顧問 招聘顧問 策略事業企劃 工作企劃 前途 面試技巧 揾工技巧 人力資源 辦工室政治 職場 商場 戰場 銷售 銷售技巧 人力資源 Career consultant; strategic career planning; Interview skills ; job hunting skills; office politic; human resources