關於 financial crisis翻譯 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

小龍新書正式上架Amazon!
2019我曾經在幾個月完成了中港台三地演講，而這滿足不到我宣揚我的「道」的界限。

記得在上海有一位老師跟我說:「你那麼好的分析，為什麼你不把你的分析及文章翻譯成英文，讓更多的人學習?」這亦令我產生了決心開始將我的書，我的分析及我的道推向更遠的地方。而獲得國內的老師幫忙下，我亦出版到第一本英文寫成的書。

這是我第五本書

本書會以江恩，周期及金融占星學。特別金融占星學更是第一次提出，很多人以為因為星體出現相位，股市就會出現變化，其實不是。本書會提到一些聞所未聞的方法。

書將會在下周起歐美各大書店，Amazon，Barnes & Noble，Walmart.com，Target.com等陸續有售。現在在審核的最後步驟，相信亦不會有意外。

如果你想要簽名版，每本為$250港元，以順豐到付形式送出。部份收益會捐助明哥派飯。當書正式出版到香港可能需要超過一個月。
預訂: https://cutt.ly/SbOVDCf

而我第六本，及第七本書將會在不同的地方出被，敬請留意。
當然如果你想學習更多小龍操盤方法，可以參加短炒班:
小龍江恩短炒班報名表: https://cutt.ly/0vF4Y2r
Preface:
Investors clearly could do much better if they knew what lies ahead. The stock market, a conclusion coming into being after countless buy or sell activities of investors. but it must conform to the general law of the universe, as investors are part of nature or we called cycle. Importantly, knowing where we currently stand regarding the economic cycle and the market cycle can give us a better idea of what lies ahead.

WD Gann Said ” If you stand at the right starting point and with the cycle of reappearing history ready, predicting what will happen in 100 years or even 1,000 years can be as easy as predicting that in 1 or 2 years.”

"There’s no better teacher than history in determining the future."
Since the 1900's, economists in western countries have engaged in the study the law of the cycle, and all believed that there was a long-term law in the economic growth or recession. There is noting new thing under the sun.In 1930, the American economist S. Kuznets proposed a business cycle applying to housing construction, with an average length of 20 years. This long-term cycle is known as the "Kuznets" cycle or building cycle. C Juglar, a French economist, published his Business Crisis and Cycle in France, Britain, and the United States in 1862. In this book, he pointed out that the capitalist economy fluctuated every nine to ten years, as generally called "Juglar cycle". Joseph Schumpeter took this as the "medium-term cycle", or the "Juglar cycle". All research prove the economic cycle is existing.

In the last few years, I used the name of “SiuLung” to publish my prediction. In Chinese, ‘Siu’ stands for little and “Lung” stands for dragon. So "Siulung" means modest but powerful and lofty aspirations.

After reading this book, you will understand the power of cycle, Gann, Financial Astrology and Siulung’s Gann Reversal Day. Mastering the Siulung's Gann Reversal Day reveals how cycles not only coincide with, but also cause, financial market risk and opportunity.

2019我曾經在幾個月完成了中港台三地演講，而這滿足不到我宣揚我的「道」的界限。

記得在上海有一位老師跟我說:「你那麼好的分析，為什麼你不把你的分析及文章翻譯成英文，讓更多的人學習?」這亦令我產生了決心開始將我的書，我的分析及我的道推向更遠的地方。而獲得國內的老師幫忙下，我亦出版到第一本英文寫成的書。

這是我第五本書

本書會以江恩，周期及金融占星學。特別金融占星學更是第一次提出，很多人以為因為星體出現相位，股市就會出現變化，其實不是。本書會提到一些聞所未聞的方法。

書將會在下周起歐美各大書店，Amazon，Barnes & Noble，Walmart.com，Target.com等陸續有售。現在在審核的最後步驟，相信亦不會有意外。

如果你想要簽名版，每本為$250港元，以順豐到付形式送出。部份收益會捐助明哥派飯。當書正式出版到香港可能需要超過一個月。

預訂: https://cutt.ly/SbOVDCf

而我第六本，及第七本書將會在不同的地方出被，敬請留意。

當然如果你想學習更多小龍操盤方法，可以參加短炒班:
小龍江恩短炒班報名表: https://cutt.ly/0vF4Y2r

Preface:
Investors clearly could do much better if they knew what lies ahead. The stock market, a conclusion coming into being after countless buy or sell activities of investors. but it must conform to the general law of the universe, as investors are part of nature or we called cycle. Importantly, knowing where we currently stand regarding the economic cycle and the market cycle can give us a better idea of what lies ahead.

WD Gann Said ” If you stand at the right starting point and with the cycle of reappearing history ready, predicting what will happen in 100 years or even 1,000 years can be as easy as predicting that in 1 or 2 years.”

"There’s no better teacher than history in determining the future."

Since the 1900's, economists in western countries have engaged in the study the law of the cycle, and all believed that there was a long-term law in the economic growth or recession. There is noting new thing under the sun.In 1930, the American economist S. Kuznets proposed a business cycle applying to housing construction, with an average length of 20 years. This long-term cycle is known as the "Kuznets" cycle or building cycle. C Juglar, a French economist, published his Business Crisis and Cycle in France, Britain, and the United States in 1862. In this book, he pointed out that the capitalist economy fluctuated every nine to ten years, as generally called "Juglar cycle". Joseph Schumpeter took this as the "medium-term cycle", or the "Juglar cycle". All research prove the economic cycle is existing.

In the last few years, I used the name of “SiuLung” to publish my prediction. In Chinese, ‘Siu’ stands for little and “Lung” stands for dragon. So "Siulung" means modest but powerful and lofty aspirations.

After reading this book, you will understand the power of cycle, Gann, Financial Astrology and Siulung’s Gann Reversal Day. Mastering the Siulung's Gann Reversal Day reveals how cycles not only coincide with, but also cause, financial market risk and opportunity.

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

「我們正處在經濟危機，但華爾街不會告訴你這些...」
「人們認為自己的房子是資產，但它其實是債務。」
「為什麼亞馬遜Jeff Bezos不必繳稅？」

►Special thanks to London Real for this wonderful interview.
https://www.youtube.com/user/LondonRealTV

《富爸爸窮爸爸》作者羅伯特.清崎，2019年再次回到London Real訪談。
這次他提到現今的經濟危機，還有債務和稅收方面的事。

Speaker: Robert Kiyosaki 羅伯特清崎

「一般人遇到金融危機時，根本不知所措。」
「因為他們從小被訓練順從指示，不敢試著犯錯。」

剪輯/翻譯: Wisdom Bread 智慧麵包

標題： 為什麼拼了命地存錢，卻只會讓你越來越窮？- Robert Kiyosaki 羅伯特清崎（中英字幕）
https://youtu.be/NdWLFOpgfXY

#富爸爸窮爸爸 #經濟危機 #智慧麵包

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Speaker: Robert Kiyosaki
影片授權: London Real / Brian Rose

Special thanks to London Real and Robert Kiyosaki for this inspiring speech

► 原完整版影片：
ROBERT KIYOSAKI - RICH DAD, POOR DAD: How To Avoid the Next Global Financial Crisis - Part 1/2 | LR
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dr09kKDGuRw

剪輯/翻譯/字幕：Wisdom Bread 智慧麵包
Music & Footage used in this video licensed to Wisdom Bread

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給人生最好的建議 - 為什麼你應該趕緊去失敗？丹佐.華盛頓
https://youtu.be/22y9RBUZ7fM

為什麼大多數人窮其一生，終究一無所獲... 看教授精闢的分析
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