關於 by the peoples for the peoples中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

雖說您將離開台灣，但台灣永遠不會離開您！祝福酈英傑處長鵬程萬里！
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轉載 @美國在台協會 AIT 貼文

📝酈英傑處長給台灣人民的道別信
「隨著我擔任美國在台協會處長的日子即將畫下句點，我也即將離開台灣，我想藉這個機會和大家分享，這一番歷練對我來說的意義是什麼。當我說擔任AIT處長其實是我這輩子的榮幸，也讓我得以實現長期職業生涯中的抱負與理想，這麼說一點也不為過。
我19歲時第一次離開家鄉，就是來台灣。對年輕的我來說，從那時起，台灣就成了交流與理解、探索與冒險的同義詞。台灣不僅有著讓人眼花撩亂的異鄉風情，也代表著意想不到的嶄新機會。我在這裡嘗試新奇的食物，像是水餃和臭豆腐，並且學習如何在擠滿單車和機車的大街小巷穿梭自如。一方面，我努力用我粗淺的中文，讓別人聽懂我說的話；但同時我也發現，無論走到哪裡，迎接我的都是滿滿的親切友善與熱情好客。
因此，在成為美國外交官後，能夠以台灣作為我派駐海外的第一站，真是再適合不過了。畢竟，是台灣首先點燃了我對亞洲、尤其是台灣的畢生興趣，也激發了我對跨文化理解和共享目標——也就是外交工作——的終身熱忱。此後，我也曾派駐其他地點，多數是在大中華區域，但我的台灣經歷與回憶始終常存我心。最終我能以美國駐台最高層級外交官的身分回來這裡，可說是我多年職涯的高峰。顯然，我這一生注定與台灣有著深刻的連結，或者也叫作「緣分」吧，才會讓我一次又一次不斷地回到台灣。
常有人問我，為什麼我這麼喜歡台灣。我總覺得：「答案不是很明顯嗎？」不過如果一定要我從個人與專業的角度，解釋我對台灣的喜愛與敬佩之情，我通常會提到以下幾個領域：
首先，台灣兼具活力與穩定、進步與延承、還有創新與傳統。每次回到這裡，我都對台灣社會在各個方面日新月異的進步感到驚艷不已。台灣的民主更臻成熟，經濟益加蓬勃，環境保護更受關注，藝術文化發展也生生不息。
台灣在許多最先進的科技產業上持續為全球創新樹立標竿，但與此同時，台灣的社會穩定和文化傳承依舊令人欽羨佩服。儘管生活充裕且形象良好，台灣人民卻依然謙虛樸實、平易近人。在台灣，最古老的傳統薪火相傳、歷久彌新。文化和歷史古蹟受到妥善的修復與保護；年輕人也可以學習代代相傳的書法技巧，接著再把作品秀在Instagram上。
再者，對美國來說，台灣正是共享利益與共享價值交集的典範。美台夥伴關係的重點在於確保科技發展能夠嘉惠、而非傷害我們雙方的經濟，科技突破則應被用於鞏固、而不是破壞我們的原則。美台之間自由、多元、平等及透明等共享價值，時時激勵我們努力在世界各地打造民主社會的韌性。而我們也持續尋求新的方式，為解決全球問題做出貢獻，這麼做不僅是因為能夠造福我們自己的人民，也是因為我們相信，身為21世紀敦親睦鄰的好夥伴，就是該這麼做。
最後，每當我想到台灣、以及整體美台關係，我總會想到希望、光明和成長。美台的情誼在過去40年來不斷拓展與茁壯。我相信每任處長都會同意，他們離開台灣時的美台夥伴關係，比起他們剛上任時都更上一層樓。同樣的，當我向AIT告別的那一天，我的心中將充滿肯定與成就感，因為我知道，美台夥伴關係比以往都更加深刻和強健，我也對自己能為美台關係今天亮眼的進展小有貢獻，而深感驕傲。
但是，比起這些事情，我想我更難忘的是台灣在我生命中所留下的深刻印記。我永遠會記得我在台灣度過的第一個聖誕節，還有第一個農曆新年。我永遠會記得台灣朋友的真摯與溫暖、教會同伴堅定的信仰、炎炎夏日來一碗芒果冰的沁涼、資源回收車沿街播放《給愛麗絲》的回音，還有巷弄中撲鼻而來的茉莉花香，這些都會是我畢生珍藏的美好回憶之一。我也會記得好友間的餐聚、充滿歡笑和故事的夜晚、以及一路以來我受到過的無數的善意與關懷。我更會永遠記得，是各位台灣朋友們，你們以各種不同的方式，讓我和我家人的生命更加地豐盛美好。對此，我要衷心地謝謝大家。
雖然我將離開台灣，但台灣不會離開我。」
— 美國在台協會處長 酈英傑
✅信件全文亦可至AIT官網查看：https://bit.ly/2TSkLDF
📝A Farewell Letter from AIT Director W. Brent Christensen
"As my time as AIT Director draws to a close and I prepare to leave Taiwan, I want to take this opportunity to tell you what this experience has meant to me. It is not an exaggeration to say that this has been the honor of my life and the fulfillment of a career-long aspiration.
The first time I left my hometown at age 19, it was to come to Taiwan. From that early age, Taiwan became synonymous for me with the ideas of exchange and understanding, exploration and adventure. Taiwan represented both disorienting foreignness and unexpected opportunity, as I tried new food – like shuijiaos and qiu doufu – and learned to navigate my way through streets crowded with bicycles and scooters. And struggled to make myself understood with my rudimentary Mandarin. But all the while discovering the kindness and generosity that welcomed me wherever I went.
It felt appropriate for me to serve my first tour as a U.S. diplomat in the place that first sparked in me a lifelong interest in Asia – and in Taiwan in particular – and in cross-cultural understanding and shared purpose, or in other words, diplomacy. After that, my career took me to other places, but mostly still in the China region. But the memories of my experiences in Taiwan stayed with me. And finally having the opportunity to serve as the top U.S. diplomat to Taiwan was the culmination of all the years that came before. It is clear that I have a lifelong connection to Taiwan, or “yuanfen,” that has led me to return again and again.
People often ask me why I have such a fondness for Taiwan. “Isn’t it obvious?!” I always think. But when forced to explain my affection for and professional fascination with Taiwan, I usually come back to a few themes.
First, dynamism and constancy; progress and preservation; innovation and tradition. Every time I return to Taiwan, I am immediately struck by the many ways Taiwan has advanced as a society. Taiwan’s democracy grows more mature, its economy more prosperous, its environment more cared-for, and its arts and culture more vibrant.
Taiwan’s industry continues to set the benchmark for global innovation in some of the most sophisticated technologies, but at the same time, Taiwan society is remarkable for its stability and cultural continuity. Taiwan’s people, despite their relative wealth and stature, continue to be modest and unassuming. Taiwan’s most ancient traditions are alive and well. Cultural and historic sites are restored and preserved. Young people may learn calligraphy techniques handed down for generations, but then share their work on Instagram.
Second, for the United States, Taiwan exemplifies the intersection of shared interests and shared values. Our partnership is about making sure our economies are beneficiaries rather than casualties of technological development and ensuring that technological development advances rather than undermines our principles. Our shared values of freedom, diversity, equality, and transparency inspire our efforts to build the resilience of democracies around the world. And we continue to find new ways to contribute to global problem solving, both because it benefits our own peoples and because we share the belief that this is what it means to be a good neighbor in the 21st century.
Finally, I associate Taiwan – and the broader U.S.-Taiwan relationship – with hope, promise, and growth. This friendship has expanded and flourished over the past 40 years; I believe every person who has done this job walked away knowing they left this partnership better than they found it. I will similarly leave AIT with a sense of accomplishment and success, knowing that the U.S.-Taiwan partnership is deeper and stronger than ever, and feeling immensely proud of my small role in getting us there.
But more than any of these things, I will remember the ways that Taiwan has touched me personally. I will always remember my first Christmas in Taiwan – and my first Chinese New Year. I will remember the warmth of Taiwan friendship, the faith of my fellow church members, the taste of a mango bing on a hot summer day, the echo of “Fur Elise” from the recycling truck, the fragrance of jasmine blossoms in village alleyways – these are just some of the memories I will treasure. I will remember the long dinners with dear friends, full of laughter and stories. And I will remember their many kindnesses. I will remember all the ways big and small that you, the people of Taiwan, touched my life and the lives of my family. And for that, I thank you.
I may be leaving Taiwan, but Taiwan will never leave me. "
-- AIT Director William Brent Christensen
✅Read the letter: https://bit.ly/3hUrsgw

📝酈英傑處長給台灣人民的道別信

「隨著我擔任美國在台協會處長的日子即將畫下句點，我也即將離開台灣，我想藉這個機會和大家分享，這一番歷練對我來說的意義是什麼。當我說擔任AIT處長其實是我這輩子的榮幸，也讓我得以實現長期職業生涯中的抱負與理想，這麼說一點也不為過。

我19歲時第一次離開家鄉，就是來台灣。對年輕的我來說，從那時起，台灣就成了交流與理解、探索與冒險的同義詞。台灣不僅有著讓人眼花撩亂的異鄉風情，也代表著意想不到的嶄新機會。我在這裡嘗試新奇的食物，像是水餃和臭豆腐，並且學習如何在擠滿單車和機車的大街小巷穿梭自如。一方面，我努力用我粗淺的中文，讓別人聽懂我說的話；但同時我也發現，無論走到哪裡，迎接我的都是滿滿的親切友善與熱情好客。

因此，在成為美國外交官後，能夠以台灣作為我派駐海外的第一站，真是再適合不過了。畢竟，是台灣首先點燃了我對亞洲、尤其是台灣的畢生興趣，也激發了我對跨文化理解和共享目標——也就是外交工作——的終身熱忱。此後，我也曾派駐其他地點，多數是在大中華區域，但我的台灣經歷與回憶始終常存我心。最終我能以美國駐台最高層級外交官的身分回來這裡，可說是我多年職涯的高峰。顯然，我這一生注定與台灣有著深刻的連結，或者也叫作「緣分」吧，才會讓我一次又一次不斷地回到台灣。

常有人問我，為什麼我這麼喜歡台灣。我總覺得：「答案不是很明顯嗎？」不過如果一定要我從個人與專業的角度，解釋我對台灣的喜愛與敬佩之情，我通常會提到以下幾個領域：

首先，台灣兼具活力與穩定、進步與延承、還有創新與傳統。每次回到這裡，我都對台灣社會在各個方面日新月異的進步感到驚艷不已。台灣的民主更臻成熟，經濟益加蓬勃，環境保護更受關注，藝術文化發展也生生不息。

台灣在許多最先進的科技產業上持續為全球創新樹立標竿，但與此同時，台灣的社會穩定和文化傳承依舊令人欽羨佩服。儘管生活充裕且形象良好，台灣人民卻依然謙虛樸實、平易近人。在台灣，最古老的傳統薪火相傳、歷久彌新。文化和歷史古蹟受到妥善的修復與保護；年輕人也可以學習代代相傳的書法技巧，接著再把作品秀在Instagram上。

再者，對美國來說，台灣正是共享利益與共享價值交集的典範。美台夥伴關係的重點在於確保科技發展能夠嘉惠、而非傷害我們雙方的經濟，科技突破則應被用於鞏固、而不是破壞我們的原則。美台之間自由、多元、平等及透明等共享價值，時時激勵我們努力在世界各地打造民主社會的韌性。而我們也持續尋求新的方式，為解決全球問題做出貢獻，這麼做不僅是因為能夠造福我們自己的人民，也是因為我們相信，身為21世紀敦親睦鄰的好夥伴，就是該這麼做。

最後，每當我想到台灣、以及整體美台關係，我總會想到希望、光明和成長。美台的情誼在過去40年來不斷拓展與茁壯。我相信每任處長都會同意，他們離開台灣時的美台夥伴關係，比起他們剛上任時都更上一層樓。同樣的，當我向AIT告別的那一天，我的心中將充滿肯定與成就感，因為我知道，美台夥伴關係比以往都更加深刻和強健，我也對自己能為美台關係今天亮眼的進展小有貢獻，而深感驕傲。

但是，比起這些事情，我想我更難忘的是台灣在我生命中所留下的深刻印記。我永遠會記得我在台灣度過的第一個聖誕節，還有第一個農曆新年。我永遠會記得台灣朋友的真摯與溫暖、教會同伴堅定的信仰、炎炎夏日來一碗芒果冰的沁涼、資源回收車沿街播放《給愛麗絲》的回音，還有巷弄中撲鼻而來的茉莉花香，這些都會是我畢生珍藏的美好回憶之一。我也會記得好友間的餐聚、充滿歡笑和故事的夜晚、以及一路以來我受到過的無數的善意與關懷。我更會永遠記得，是各位台灣朋友們，你們以各種不同的方式，讓我和我家人的生命更加地豐盛美好。對此，我要衷心地謝謝大家。

雖然我將離開台灣，但台灣不會離開我。」

— 美國在台協會處長 酈英傑

✅信件全文亦可至AIT官網查看：https://bit.ly/2TSkLDF

📝A Farewell Letter from AIT Director W. Brent Christensen

"As my time as AIT Director draws to a close and I prepare to leave Taiwan, I want to take this opportunity to tell you what this experience has meant to me. It is not an exaggeration to say that this has been the honor of my life and the fulfillment of a career-long aspiration.

The first time I left my hometown at age 19, it was to come to Taiwan. From that early age, Taiwan became synonymous for me with the ideas of exchange and understanding, exploration and adventure. Taiwan represented both disorienting foreignness and unexpected opportunity, as I tried new food – like shuijiaos and qiu doufu – and learned to navigate my way through streets crowded with bicycles and scooters. And struggled to make myself understood with my rudimentary Mandarin. But all the while discovering the kindness and generosity that welcomed me wherever I went.

It felt appropriate for me to serve my first tour as a U.S. diplomat in the place that first sparked in me a lifelong interest in Asia – and in Taiwan in particular – and in cross-cultural understanding and shared purpose, or in other words, diplomacy. After that, my career took me to other places, but mostly still in the China region. But the memories of my experiences in Taiwan stayed with me. And finally having the opportunity to serve as the top U.S. diplomat to Taiwan was the culmination of all the years that came before. It is clear that I have a lifelong connection to Taiwan, or “yuanfen,” that has led me to return again and again.

People often ask me why I have such a fondness for Taiwan. “Isn’t it obvious?!” I always think. But when forced to explain my affection for and professional fascination with Taiwan, I usually come back to a few themes.

First, dynamism and constancy; progress and preservation; innovation and tradition. Every time I return to Taiwan, I am immediately struck by the many ways Taiwan has advanced as a society. Taiwan’s democracy grows more mature, its economy more prosperous, its environment more cared-for, and its arts and culture more vibrant.

Taiwan’s industry continues to set the benchmark for global innovation in some of the most sophisticated technologies, but at the same time, Taiwan society is remarkable for its stability and cultural continuity. Taiwan’s people, despite their relative wealth and stature, continue to be modest and unassuming. Taiwan’s most ancient traditions are alive and well. Cultural and historic sites are restored and preserved. Young people may learn calligraphy techniques handed down for generations, but then share their work on Instagram.

Second, for the United States, Taiwan exemplifies the intersection of shared interests and shared values. Our partnership is about making sure our economies are beneficiaries rather than casualties of technological development and ensuring that technological development advances rather than undermines our principles. Our shared values of freedom, diversity, equality, and transparency inspire our efforts to build the resilience of democracies around the world. And we continue to find new ways to contribute to global problem solving, both because it benefits our own peoples and because we share the belief that this is what it means to be a good neighbor in the 21st century.

Finally, I associate Taiwan – and the broader U.S.-Taiwan relationship – with hope, promise, and growth. This friendship has expanded and flourished over the past 40 years; I believe every person who has done this job walked away knowing they left this partnership better than they found it. I will similarly leave AIT with a sense of accomplishment and success, knowing that the U.S.-Taiwan partnership is deeper and stronger than ever, and feeling immensely proud of my small role in getting us there.

But more than any of these things, I will remember the ways that Taiwan has touched me personally. I will always remember my first Christmas in Taiwan – and my first Chinese New Year. I will remember the warmth of Taiwan friendship, the faith of my fellow church members, the taste of a mango bing on a hot summer day, the echo of “Fur Elise” from the recycling truck, the fragrance of jasmine blossoms in village alleyways – these are just some of the memories I will treasure. I will remember the long dinners with dear friends, full of laughter and stories. And I will remember their many kindnesses. I will remember all the ways big and small that you, the people of Taiwan, touched my life and the lives of my family. And for that, I thank you.

I may be leaving Taiwan, but Taiwan will never leave me. "

-- AIT Director William Brent Christensen

✅Read the letter: https://bit.ly/3hUrsgw

I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular caught my attention: “A joke in China suggests that Trump’s Chinese name is Chuan Jianguo, or “Build-the-Country Trump.” That’s because Build-the-Country is a common revolutionary name among Communist patriots, and it’s mockingly suggested that Trump’s misrule of the United States is actually bolstering Xi’s regime.”

Kristoff also avows that since Trump’s ascension to presidency, the American nation became highly polarized. This is reflected in the current administration’s policies on climate change, foreign relations with established U.S. allies, and COVID-19 prevention, all of which are rather ineffective. It also seems like Mr. Trump and his team diverged from the traditional priorities, including promoting free trade, human rights, and other quintessentially American values. As described thoroughly by John Bolton, all these factors contributed to the declining standing of the U.S. in global politics.

What is more, many people fall prey to CCP’s propaganda and its interpretations of Trump’s actions, which only enhances China’s reputation.

But that might not exactly be the case.

The CCP apparently failed to utilize the window of opportunity created by the ineptness of the Trump administration, as China could have grown to the position of a leader by filling in the void left by the U.S.

During the 2016 APEC Ministerial Meeting in Lima, Peru, Xi Jinping and his team actively supported the plans to establish the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or FTAAP. In contrast, the United States withdrew its signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in early 2017. Coupled with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), this move bolstered China’s capacity to influence global investments and trade, high-tech mergers and acquisitions, and, overall, expand its geostrategic influence on the entire globe.

At the same time, various propaganda films about great power competition, military industry, and science and technology surged all at once, and gained remarkable following around the world.

All this provided a window of opportunity for the CCP to slowly change its course. Around the same time, the distrust for POTUS among U.S. allies’ reached its apex. According to polls conducted by the Pew Research Center, the distrust for the U.S. president in the U.K. reached 75%, 72% in Japan, 70% in Australia, and stunning 86% in France.

Had the C.C.P,. begun to open up at that time, or at least resumed the governance style of the Hu-Wen administration, it could have reaped the benefits of promoting liberalism where the U.S. failed to deliver. It was the time for Beijing to gradually enhance freedom of speech domestically, pursue sustainable infrastructural projects, gradually reform unfair barriers to trade, transform its S.O.E.s, strengthen protections for private ownership, and vitalize its start-ups and enterprises.

Moreover, were China to cease the genocide in East Turkestan and refrain from cracking down on Hong Kong's semi-autonomy, it would have greatly enhanced its global international image. Additionally, if paired with slow but steady reforms, Beijing’s respect for sovereignty of its peoples would have attracted a large amount of foreign investment, which in turn would have continued to buttress the country’s growth.

It is China prerogative to remain idle.
It might still be possible for Chinese “Dream” to come true.
Yet, a historic window of opportunity is now closed.

Xi assumed the tools of proscribing and stalling, which are completely antithetical to the aforementioned window of opportunity.

Today, China is more authoritarian, less flexible, and fully deprived of horizontal accountability. Its reliance on wolf warrior diplomacy backfired: for example, the Swedish parliament sought to expel the Chinese ambassador to Stockholm. Also, Prague, the capital of Czechia, terminated its sister-city agreement with Shanghai and instead signed a new one with Taipei. Last but not least, we ought not to forget about the recent fiasco in the relations with the United States who ordered the shutdown of China’s consulate in Houston. All of this took its toll on China’s reputation.

Its international standing and inability to replace the U.S. as the major global power are not the only issues China is currently facing.
As it experiences multiple domestic and international shocks, China struggles to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and tame the disastrous floods of Yangtze River. The swarm of locusts of biblical proportions is also crippling Beijing’s institutional capacity and may soon lead to food shortages. In fact, the precarity of food supply further diminishes the level of trust for Chinese authorities.

In 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a public opinion survey to examine the international views of China. In the U.S., Argentina, the U.K., Canada, Germany, and Ukraine, only about 30% of respondents claim a favorable view of China.

As the COVID-19 pandemic rages in the U.S., as many as 73% of U.S. respondents view China unfavorably.

Recently, the C.C.P. is losing its focus by continuously shifting targets. In fact, I believe there is no need for the C.C.P.to rely on nationalistic appeals, since in this new century values, business relations, and fair competition are all far more important than greater than delusive blood ties.
China lies only 130 kilometers away from us. Of course, we welcome dialogue and seek to avoid misjudgments. But we also distinguish between the C.C.P. and China. While we do welcome dialogue, but we will not be coerced to talk under unjust preconditions or in fear.

The only fair prerequisites are those of reciprocity, mutual respect as well as fairness and openness with respect for the rule of law.
Source: Pew Research Center

最近看到紐約時報中文版的一篇文章
<美國的川普，中國的「川建國」>，其中一小段是這樣的

「在中國，人們戲稱川普的中文名字是川建國。那是因為建國是共產黨愛國者中一個普遍的革命人名。它在諷刺地暗示川普對美國的治理不當實際上是在鞏固習近平的政權。」

裡面也提到，川普在任的幾年，國家更分裂，對於氣候變遷，傳統美國盟友，乃至於疫情處理等都相當拙劣，對於美國傳統的自由貿易、人權等價值也基本上都沒有太大興趣。這些方針，導致美國在世界的評價降低，波頓的新書也多有描述。

除此之外，許多不幸相信中共宣傳，又或者是中共圈養的小粉紅，特別故意愛宣傳川普增強中國的威望。

但這不是真的。

中共完全沒有掌握美國做得不夠好的地方，去增強其在世界的領導力。

在2016年時，秘魯的亞太峰會舉行期間，習近平政權爭取（RCEP）及亞太自由貿易區（FTAAP）談判；對比2017年初，美國剛宣布退出ＴＰＰ，加上中國到「一帶一路」和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行，中國當時在世界全面發揮投資貿易、高科技併購還有其地緣戰略的影響力。

也是那個時候，各種的大國崛起、大國軍工、大國科技的宣傳影片此起彼落，似乎正準備要在世界舞台發光發熱。

這曾經是中共慢慢轉向的一個機會之窗。彼時（2017)美國盟友對美國總統的不信任度達到歷史新高，根據皮尤研究中心的資訊，英國對於美國總統的不信任度達到75%、日本72% 澳洲70% 法國更高達86%

如果那時中共開始有限度的改革，對內放寬言論自由，或者至少維持在胡溫當時的水中，對外追求有責任的基礎建設，逐步緩慢減低不公平的貿易壁壘，對於國有企業改革，增強私營企業、新創企業的活力。

停止對新疆迫害，不干預香港自治，不僅國際形象會大幅改善，哪怕是緩慢但是穩健的改革，也會讓大量吸引外資，讓中國的活力持續前進。

哪怕是什麼都不做也好

那或許有這麽一點可能性，中國「夢」是可以前行的

但是歷史機緣的大門已經關上。

習、禁、停、放棄了這個機會之窗，徹底的走向相反的方向。

更專制、更沒有彈性，更沒有任何制衡的力量。各種戰狼外交，讓瑞典議員提案驅逐中國大使，捷克布拉格市長與台北簽訂姊妹是，就解散上海與該市關係、被美國關閉領事館、各種讓中國形象低下的事情，中共都沒有少做。

中共不但完全沒有辦法取代美國，在多重國內外的衝擊之下，又是瘟疫，又是超大水患，緊接著蝗害，還有進來的糧食不足問題，正在面臨巨大的瓶頸。

而糧食的命脈，卻恰恰又在對他最不信任，對中共價值最反對的國家聯盟

根據皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center2019調查各國對中國的喜好度，美國、阿根廷、英國、加拿大、德國、烏克蘭等，對於中國的喜好度都在30%上下

而2020疫情後美國對於中國的不信任度，更高達73%。

最近中共在演習，又要玩轉移目標的手段，對於中共，其實不必再有民族主義的同情，因為新的世紀，價值、商業模式、公平競爭的制度大於血緣幻想。

中國離我們只有130公里的距離，我們當然歡迎對話，避免誤判。但我們同時也區分中共與中國，歡迎對話，但不在前提、條件、恐懼之下對話。

如果真的要有前提，那就是對等、尊重，還有公平公開法治的方式會晤。

資料來源：皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center
（美國著名的民調機構和智庫機構，https://www.pewresearch.org/）

中國的崛起​​和西方的衰落....
我相信英國將成為第一個淪陷的歐洲國家
歐洲地區成為第三世界國家時將會使世界大跌眼鏡
警察將不再管用、通貨膨脹和暴動是日常
中國要做的就是等待，並撿拾殘局
不幸的是，這些中國的作品之一將是台灣
在超高福利的國家發起大規模移民政策的政客們，他們不了解人民
這些都將導致街頭流血事件不斷發生
就算大家想看中國失敗，但中國依然屹立不搖
只要一有機會，中國便會採取迅速行動
台灣無疑是中國第一個要拿下的

如果你問文化大革命發生在西方是什麼樣子？看英國就知道了
在黑暗時代的平均壽命越來越短、創新和創造力下降
西方即將進入另一個黑暗時代
沒有人知道會持續多久
關於英國人民的下一個全面的綜合歷史將會被用中文書寫
這就是英國的離奇之死


The rise of China and the fall of the West.  My belief is that Britain will be the first European country to fall.  There will be shock and awe as the world watches parts of Europe become third world countries.  Police overwhelmed.  High levels of inflation, and daily riots.  All China will have to do is to wait and pick up the pieces.  Unfortunately one of those pieces will be Taiwan.  The overblown welfare state, mass immigration from countries and of peoples not understood by the politicians that initiated the immigration policies.  The resentment of the indigenous Brits and the weak police force will lead to bloodbaths in the streets.  China despite all the wishes for it to collapse will not.  There will be swift moves to take advantage of the gap in power.  Taiwan will be the Suez canal of the United States of America.  If Britain has a cultural revolution this is it.  The dark ages saw a decline in life expectancy, innovation, creativity.  The west is about to enter another dark ages. There is no telling how long it will last.  The next proper comprehensive history written about the peoples of Britain will be written in Chinese.  This is the strange death of Britain.  

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我們平常接觸的有關朝鮮的訊息是怎麼來的呢？可以看看這紀錄片： https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eclCfjP7hLM

關於朝鮮戰爭內幕： https://bit.ly/2I9WzU3

臉書專頁： https://www.facebook.com/ComradeXiangyu
專訪： https://blow.streetvoice.com/41873

編曲： Ransom-Notes https://soundcloud.com/ransom-notes
作詞、混音：鍾翔宇
母帶後期製作工程： Glenn Schick


Follow Xiangyu on Twitter https://instagram.com/notXiangyu
Follow Ransom-Notes on Twitter https://twitter.com/ransom1992

有些人會說：「如果朝鮮不是獨裁國家的話，為什麼不給外國旅客自由行呢？為什麼大部分電腦都沒連上境外的互聯網呢？」我希望那些人從不同的角度來思考這些問題。二戰期間的同盟國會開放自己的國家給德國、意大利和日本觀光客自由行嗎？別忘了，朝鮮戰爭只有停火，沒有停戰。

假如互聯網是在 1930 年代的德國發明的，而非 20 世紀下半葉的美國，而德國情報機構能暗中監督和控制一切連上該網路的任何設備（正如斯諾登透露美國國安局所做的那樣），同盟國會讓一般老百姓連上同個互聯網嗎？還是他們會跟朝鮮一樣建設自己的網路？

朝鮮是個小國家。雖然它從 1953 年一直呼籲正式停戰，但它從 1950 年到現在一直與大部分西方國家處於戰爭狀態。只要戰爭狀態不變，這些政策不是「反自由」的，而是任何理性的政府（無論是資本主義國家還是社會主義國家）會施行的防禦性措施。



誰是朋友？誰是敵人？
Who are our friends? Who are our enemies?

我們能否 追究這個問題而不自欺欺人
Can we look into this question without lying to ourselves?

誰的盟友？誰的利潤？
Whose allies? Whose profits?

是誰激於義憤而爭鬥和犧牲
Whose struggle and sacrifice are stirred by righteous indignation?


1.
饒舌的激進份子 被說是憤世
The radical rapper is said to be cynical.

我只想引人深思 和去偽存實
I just want to get people to think, cast aside falsities, and retain the truths,

因為從小到大有太多虛偽人士
because througout our lives, too many hypocrites

灌輸錯誤認識 使人愚昧無知
have instilled false understandings, causing us to ignorantly

地無視 顯而易見 的壓迫和暴行
disregard the clearly visible oppression and atrocities,

使人固執己見 而失去批判思考力
causing us to stubbornly cling to our own opinions and lose our ability to think critically.

一旦遇到陌生的意見 認知就失調
When we encounter unfamiliar opinions, we experience cognitive dissonance.

變本加厲地延伸原本的錯誤視角
Doubling down on our mistaken views

成為了心理防禦機制 也使我們無意識地
has become a psychological defense mechanism which causes us to unknowingly

成為壓迫自己的體制的棋子
become pawns of the system that oppresses us

即使我們自以為自己是正義的義士
although we think of ourselves as just and morally courageous people,

但其實是我們迷失於斷章取義的歷史
it is actually us who are lost in deliberately misinterpreted history.

而敵視 並歧視 被壓迫的各國人民
We vilify and discriminate against the oppressed peoples of all countries;

自以為仁義 卻把壓迫者 奉若神明
we think we are righteous, yet we deify the oppressors.

不分明侵略和防禦只要求無條件的和平
We don't differentiate between aggression and defense, we simply ask for unprincipled peace,

得到奴隸主的肯定不過不被他們尊敬
gaining the approval of slave masters but not their respect.


2.
監禁率最高的國家被當作自由象徵
The country with the highest incarceration rate is considered to be a symbol of freedom;

最常推翻民選政府的它被當作摯友良朋
we call it our friend as it leads in overthrowing democratically elected governments.

我們只有盲人摸象般稱頌或貶斥
We make praises and criticisms based on conclusions made from bad information,

偏執地不檢視騙子掩飾的現實
stubbornly refusing to investigate the truths hidden by liars.

別人飢餓 我們說是領導人無人性
When others starve, we say their leaders are devoid of humanity

卻不記得制裁的目的 是經過餓死人民
while failing to remember that the goal of sanctions is to sabotage stability

破壞穩定 以迫使 革命群眾 放棄革命
through starvation in order to extort the revolutionary masses into giving up revolution.

如果這不是恐怖主義 那麼你的定義可能有問題
If this isn't terrorism, then your definition might be flawed.

我問你 唯一動用核武器的到底是誰？
I ask you, who is the only one to have used nuclear weapons?

為何朝鮮發展核武就被認為是罪？
Why is it considered a crime when (DPR) Korea develops nukes?

誰的奴性思維被支配得顛倒是非
Whose slave mentality's been been dominated to the point where right and wrong are inverted,

使我們把自衛視為威脅 把威脅視為慈悲？
having us believe defense is threatening and threats are benevolent?

是誰不知不覺地在重複戈培爾所起草
Who unknowingly repeats lies written by Goebbels

的流言蜚語的同時說別人被洗腦
while at the same time calling others brainwashed,

並對用著堅如鐵的毅力英勇地起義
while unreasonably being hostile towards those who use their iron-firm willpower

驅逐侵略者的人民無理地壞有敵意？
to heroically drive out aggressors through rebellion?

#朝鮮 #DPRK #Korea

跪求有空的朋友
為影片加上字幕(中文即可)
萬分感謝
https://www.youtube.com/timedtext_cs_panel?tab=2&c=UC1FmA48qj1YOYQ5I6j4l6YA

如果覺得我介紹的不錯,歡迎贊助我的開箱影片(Please support my video Channel) PayPal : jkc1974@gmail.com


開箱介紹:《Advent of Marvelous League#2-Kinnara》~ by 大人的玩具
賣場
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未來干支# 第二彈《寅將-真達羅》
售價215美元，可使用Paypal付款(全球免運費)。
全球限定300個。
出貨時間：2017年第2季。
中文官網：http://tw.studiosundowner.com/
未來干支系列簡介：
STUDIO SUNDOWNER全新創作系列-未來干支：以中國十二生肖為創作發想，故事背景結合了神話、宗教及科幻元素，創造出一個架空的未來世界。
系列第二彈 寅將-真達羅，由Ethan統籌製作，邀請頂尖插畫家FU進行角色設計，3D數位原型大師Feng Hsuan Zhan完成3D建模，色彩部分則由我們的好朋友Pkking負責監修，帶來融合了科幻及中國風的精彩作品。
未來干支故事背景：
在遙遠的太古，世間混屯不明，妖魔橫行於世，世界脫離了正軌，萬物不再進化文明停止進步，為了讓世界回到正軌，創世神招集了十二名神將踏上征途，，十二名神將各自帶領七千眷屬，和妖魔展開大戰，爭鬥持續了數千年，最終十二名神將戰勝，妖魔從世上消失，世界回到正軌，開始了人治的時代，十二名神將也回到他們歸屬的世界，等待下一次的招喚來臨。
Now! Pre-order《Advent of Marvelous League#2-Kinnara》online!
Price：215 USD with international shipping included in the price.
Shipping time: Q2, 2017.
limited quantity：300
Official Website：www.studiosundowner.com
Chinese Website：http://tw.studiosundowner.com/
The payment will be made through PAYPAL。If you need international remittance please contact us.
Family Overview：
Our brand new series of creation, Advent of Marvelous League, is inspired by the Chinese Zodiac. Fusing mythology, religion, and sci-fi elements, these form the background of this story in order to create a future world located nowhere.
《Advent of Marvelous League》#2-Kinnara is produced by Ethan, the characters in it are designed by FU, a Taiwanese illustrator, upon our invitation. In addition, the 3D modeling is completed by a top 3D artist, Feng Hsuan Zhan. As to the coloring, it is designed and supervised by our good friend, Pkking. With our efforts, we are proud to present you an exciting SF game blended with Chinese touch.
《Advent of Marvelous League》
In the distant past, the world was in chaos. Demons and monsters dominated the land, touring peoples’ bodies and souls. The world had gone astray. Creatures and things stopped evolving, and the progress of civilizations paused. In order to bring the world back to order, the Creator summoned twelve war gods to fight for survival. Each of the twelve war gods will bring seven thousand dependents to battle with demons and monsters. The battles had lasted for several thousand years. Eventually, the twelve war gods won, and demons and monsters disappeared from the world. The world had resumed to order, beginning the era of the rule of man. And the twelve war gods returned to their world, waiting for the next call.

相當用心與努力的台灣新銳1/6 收藏級人偶品牌“STUDIO SUNDOWNER”，公布了相當受到粉絲們所期待的嶄新系列「未來干支」最新作品，繼第一彈-申將 安底羅之後，第二彈將推出-寅將 真達羅。藉由STUDIO SUNDOWNER 獨特的設計風格，巧妙地融合中國十二生肖、宗教、神話以及科幻的元素，藉由STUDIO SUNDOWNER 的獨特技術與風格，詮釋出我們前所未見的十二生肖角色

未來干支系列簡介：
STUDIO SUNDOWNER全新創作系列-未來干支：以中國十二生肖為創作發想，故事背景結合了神話、宗教及科幻元素，創造出一個架空的未來世界。系列第二彈 寅將-真達羅，由Ethan統籌製作，邀請頂尖插畫家FU進行角色設計，3D數位原型大師Feng Hsuan Zhan完成3D建模，色彩部分則由我們的好朋友Pkking負責監修，帶來融合了科幻及中國風的精彩作品。

未來干支故事背景：
在遙遠的太古，世間混屯不明，妖魔橫行於世，世界脫離了正軌，萬物不再進化文明停止進步，為了讓世界回到正軌，創世神招集了十二名神將踏上征途，，十二名神將各自帶領七千眷屬，和妖魔展開大戰，爭鬥持續了數千年，最終十二名神將戰勝，妖魔從世上消失，世界回到正軌，開始了人治的時代，十二名神將也回到他們歸屬的世界，等待下一次的招喚來臨。

--新章--

第三次世界大戰之後，人類文明在核災後重生，全世界人口僅殘存原本的千分之一；大量靈魂無法輪迴轉生，徘徊於現世與靈界之間。慾念強大的靈體，藉由附身於人體、動物或機械重現於世，稱之為「滅世遊魂」。不穩定的暴走形態，成為末世之中最可怕的災厄。

創世曆0143年(西曆2250年)，人類復興監察局的邁爾士.貝克博士證實了超靈體的存在，並和靈能組織合作開發出將靈體轉化為穩定能量的降靈技術，同時運用高分子聚合物及微型機械細胞技術製作出「阿陀那識機甲」，由靈能組織舉行降靈儀式召喚靈體，成為抗衡滅世遊魂最強大的兵器。經由這降靈儀式召喚而來的強大靈體則是這十二名神將...

歷史上，不同文化都有關於十二神將的文獻紀載，只是在當時以不同名稱、不同型態被記錄下來，直到世界破滅，人類文明面臨重大變故的現今，科學家們以最新的科學結合降靈技術，才真正讓十二神將再次降臨於世。阿陀那識機甲在靈體附身的同時會反映出靈體的型態，十二名神將以十二種生肖動物型態現身，像人類一樣擁有喜怒哀樂。藉由附身在阿陀那識機甲讓自己的能力在現世得到最大的發揮，每個神將各自擁有屬於自己的護法神器。

十二名藥叉大將，可譯夜叉，性情不一，有的窮兇惡極，有的善良和順，此十二位為領導者故名大將，其各各眷屬各有七仟，共有八萬四仟法眷。十二藥叉分為十二地支或十二生肖，將於晝夜十二時四季十二個月輪流守護世界-----古文記載：

真達羅大將---寅時之守護神。通身黃色，現忿怒形，頭戴虎冠，手持寶杵
---古文記載

寅將-真達羅，個性嚴謹，責任感強，擅長近身戰，主要武器為一對虎爪及一對除魔金剛杵，不同於申將的古道熱腸，真達羅對於人類自己引發核戰毀滅世界的愚行非常不以為然，但由於自身強烈的使命感，讓他放下歧見，再次踏上征途。