關於 the red power movement ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

//今年10月1日是中共建政71周年，支聯會將聯同友好團體代表於10月1日11時，以倒行形式分組前往中聯辦宣讀聲明及中港在囚異見人士狀況，敦促中共改善人權，落實當年建政的承諾，停止粉飾太平，回應聲明提出的訴求。//

【沒有人權，哪有國慶？停止打壓異見 還我言論自由】聯署聲明全文

(English below)

中共建政71周年，也是中國人民飽受苦難的歷史。建政前，中共以民主、自由、繁榮、富強的承諾，欺騙萬千愛國者為其拋頭顱、灑熱血。建政後首30年，階級鬥爭為綱，政治運動頻仍；經濟冒進失誤，赤地千里，餓殍遍野。接著的10年，推行經濟改革，但仍堅持獨裁專政，打壓人民訴求，導致胡耀邦、趙紫陽下台，更發生「六四」血腥鎮壓。「六四」後31年來，貪污腐敗猖獗，貧富兩極分化，弱勢社群備受壓榨，道德倫理殆盡，維權和異見人士被拘入獄，全國籠罩白色恐怖，人權蕩然。習近平專政下，14億人民仍活在沒有人權、沒有尊嚴中，有甚麼值得慶祝？

今天是中共所謂的「國慶」，但71年來，許多人只因表達政治立場慘遭拘禁和酷刑，直到今天，仍有不計其數人士因言獲罪，身陷囹圄。在這個令人憤慨而非喜慶的日子，支聯會等團體特別關注被所謂「危害國家安全」罪名拘押的中國和香港抗爭者，他們面對獨裁政權迫害，我們在香港也正經歷同樣命運。

對中國異見人士來說，中國政府以所謂「國家安全」為理由作出種種打壓，是每天不能承受的痛。今年，香港人失去法治和自由，自中央政府於6月30日強推《港區國安法》後，多名人士以所謂與「國安」有關的罪名被起訴，12位年輕人更因為逃亡台灣途中「被送中」，香港人自由岌岌可危，與中國異見人士更是唇齒相依。

他們代表不同年齡和不同背景人士對民主自由的渴求，在鐵幕高牆的國度仍不畏強權，以各種方式爭取民主和傳播尊重人權的訊息，但他們合法和合理的行動和訴求，卻被政權以違反所謂「國家安全」惡法無理打壓，他們的案件在中國只是冰山一角，深信還有不少被專制政權迫害而不知名的受害人。

港區《國安法》強推以來僅僅數月，言論自由空間不斷收窄，過往不少可以喊的口號和可以發起的行動，已被政府強詞奪理解讀為違反《國安法》，營造赤色恐怖，企圖噤聲，打壓異己，令香港的自由急速消逝，嚴重侵犯市民的言論自由與集會自由。

我們強烈要求中國政府和香港政府停止粉飾太平，回應以下訴求：
1）平反八九民運，還多年來承受失去至親一個公道！
2）成立獨立調查委員會，調查「六四」及香港自去年「反送中」運動的警暴行為！
3）停止假借「國家安全」名義，肆意破壞香港法治精神和打壓言論自由！
4）立即釋放中港被囚異見人士！

2020年10月1日

聯署團體：(更新 30.9.2020)

香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會
四五行動
林鉅成社會服務處
溫哥華支援民主運動聯合會
天安門母親運動
卡城中國民主促進會
良心之友
中國維權律師關注組
社會民主連線
青衣居民權益服務社
香港社會工作者總工會
新婦女協進會
民主黨
工黨
香港職工會聯盟
郭家麒議員辦事處
民間電台
曾健成議員辦事處
六四行動
民間人權陣線
香港基督徒社關團契
關注綜援低收入聯盟
零售、商業及成衣業總工會
基督徒社工
香港教育專業人員協會
關心香港前途小組
公民黨

’Without human Rights, How Can We Celebrate “National Day”?Stop the crackdown on dissidents; give us our freedom‘

1 October 2020

The Chinese Communist Party has been in power for 71 years now—71 years of suffering for the Chinese people. Before coming to power, the Party promised to make China a democratic, free, prosperous and strong country, but it fooled hundreds of thousands of patriots into sacrificing themselves for the nation. For the first 30 years after the establishment of the regime, class struggle was the main focus and mass political campaigns were frequent. Economic policy was poorly devised, leading to famine and death.

In the following 10 years, the regime enacted economic reform but remained totalitarian. It cracked down on demands for change, leading to the fall of liberal state leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang and eventually the bloodshed of the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. In the subsequent 31 years, corruption has been rampant and uneven wealth distribution serious. Underprivileged groups are squeezed by those in power. Ethics and morality have collapsed. Human rights defenders and dissidents are detained and imprisoned. The whole country lives under white terror. There are simply no human rights. Under Xi Jinping’s dictatorship, 1.4 billion people are living in a society without human rights or dignity. What is there to celebrate?

Today is what the Party calls “National Day”. But over the past 71 years, many have been ruthlessly imprisoned and tortured simply for expressing their political views. Countless people are still detained for their speech. On this day we should feel outrage rather than joy,. Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China and other organizations are particularly concerned about the Chinese and Hong Kong activists facing so-called “national security” charges. While those in China endure the persecution of a totalitarian regime, we in Hong Kong experience the same fate.

Chinese dissidents suffer unbearable pain every day as the Chinese government uses the pretext of “national security” to crack down on them. In this year, Hongkongers have lost rule of law and experience diminishing freedoms. Since the central government forcibly imposed the Hong Kong national security law (officially the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region”) on 30 June 2020, dozens of individuals have been charged with so-called “national security” crimes. Twelve young people fleeing to Taiwan were taken to China. Hong Kong people’s freedoms are at greater risk than ever. Hong Kong people’s fate is even more interconnected with the Chinese people’s.

Many, diverse in age and background, desire democracy and freedom. They do not fear challenging the government despite dictatorship. They fight for democracy and share information about human rights. But their legal and legitimate actions and demands have been punished by the government with so-called “national security” charges. Their cases are only the tip of the iceberg in China. There are many unknown people persecuted by the regime.

The Hong Kong national security law has been in force for several months. Freedom of expression is drastically diminishing. Protest slogans are now interpreted by the Hong Kong government as violations of the national security law. The government creates red terror, attempts to silence dissenting views, and cracks down on dissidents. Hong Kong’s freedoms are quickly disappearing. Hong Kong people’s freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are seriously infringed.

We call on the Chinese and Hong Kong governments to stop whitewashing the daunting situation in China and Hong Kong and respond to the following requests:

1. Vindicate the 1989 pro-democracy movement and give victims’ families a fair explanation, apology and compensation;

2. Establish an independent commission to investigate the Tiananmen Massacre as well as police violence during the Anti-Extradition Bill protests in Hong Kong since last year;

3. Stop using “national security” as an excuse to ruthlessly destroy Hong Kong’s rule of law and freedom of expression;

4. Immediately release all detained Chinese and Hong Kong dissidents.

Signatories: (updated on 30.9.2020)

Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China
April Fifth Action
Community service office of KS Lam
Vancouver Society in Support of Democratic Movement
Tiananmen Mothers Campaign
Movement for Democracy in China (Calgary)
Friends of Conscience
China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group
League of social democrats
Tsing Yi Residents Rights and Interests Service Society
Hong Kong Social Workers` General Union
The Association for the Advancement of Feminism
The Democratic Party
Labour Party (Hong Kong)
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions
Office of Dr. Kwok Ka Ki, Legislative Council Member
Citizens Radio
Office of Tsang Kin Shing District Councillor
June 4th Action
Civil Human Rights Front
Hong Kong Christian Fellowship of Social Concern
Concerning CSSA and Low Income Alliance
Retail, Commerce and Clothing Industries General Union
Christian Social Workers
Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union
Concern the Future of Hong Kong
CIVIC PARTY

—————
註：六四紀念館已於9月15日重新開放，繼續舉辦「走在抗極權最前線——從『八九六四』到『反送中』」主題展覽，同時舉辦「中港被囚異見人士」專題展（至10月31日），介紹異見人士的事蹟，誠邀參觀及報導。查詢：2459 6489（電話/WhatsApp）、 64museum@alliance.org.hk （電郵）
—————

#十一 #六四 #反送中 #人權 #言論自由 #humanrights #freedomofspeech #june4

❗️重要：電檢處告示並不代表導演團隊立場
《佔領立法會》及《理大圍城》遭電檢處多番為難❗️
(Please scroll down for English)

香港電影、報刊及物品管理處要求《佔領立法會》及《理大圍城》片首加上聲明，我們要澄清這聲明並非創作人的意願。

《佔領立法會》及《理大圍城》一直為外界爭議度非常高的電影，導演團隊一直為真實紀錄各社會運動而不惜冒著各種風險，電影帶來的回響及反應大家有目共睹。

但！

香港電影、報刊及物品管理處（簡稱電檢處）卻利用各種手段，逼使導演們需要作出非本人意願的聲明！如果不跟從指引，電檢處便可以利用行政手段令放映無法進行！

電檢處要求作出之聲明如下：
《佔領立法會》:
「影片紀錄2019年7月1日立法會綜合大樓受到示威衝擊的嚴重事件，當中有部分描述或行為，根據現行法例可能會構成刑事罪行。」

《理大圍城》:
「影片紀錄2019年11月在香港理工大學及周邊地點發生的嚴重事件，當中有部分描述或行為，根據現行法例可能會構成刑事罪行。此外，影片部分內容或評論亦可能未獲證實或有誤導成份。」

影意志表示強烈不滿電檢處以下行為：
1.以保障各方為由，實屬保障自己之實來強逼修改影片
2.要求影片開首作出聲明，但不願表明此為電檢處要求
3.以不知明原因推翻由電檢處發出的證明書
4.未能按時發出證明書，並將責任推卸於申請者

以下為影意志與電檢處之洽商經過：

7月中時，影意志為舊版本影片申請電檢證明書。

8月7日（國安法生效約一個月後）
影意志首次收到電檢處通知，表示需要在電影片頭加入由電檢處發出之警告字眼。影意志清楚表示此字句並不是出自導演團隊意願，並不會修改影片。電檢處表示，若不跟從指引，有機會令行政程序時間增加。

9月3日（國安法生效約兩個月後）
影意志重新遞交申請，並於新版本影片中加入電檢處要求之字句，及標明此字句為電檢處要求。

9月8日
影意志收到電檢處通知，表示影片開首有不屬於此影片之告示字眼，要求刪改。影意志表示此要求不合理，電檢處不能在未執行檢視工作前便要求申請者進行更改；但對方亦一貫作風，以會引致檢視工作延誤等為由而要求進行修改。

9月9日
影意志立即按電檢處要求遞交新版本。

9月15日
影意志致電查詢電檢進度，對方則回應未能於本星期批核證明書。影意志表明早於9月3日已遞交申請，理應9月17日收到證明書；電檢處解釋因為9月11日才正式收到更新版本影片，當作9月14日才正式開始工作，故最快只能於9月21日發出證明書。(影意志：申請表已列明9月3日為申請日期，但因為電檢處內部審查緩慢而將責任推卸。）

9月18日 下午6時40分 （辦公完結時間為下午6時）
電檢處通知影意志需在片頭加上其提供的告示字句，並於9月21日當日交回新版本，否則未能於放映當日發出證明書；影意志重新要求要標示電檢處是發出告示者，並且需於放映當日收到證明書。電檢處回覆，告示並不能標明是電檢處發出，並且只能按照他們要求作出更改。

同時，影意志被告知原有舊版本的電檢證明書不能使用，因為新舊版本不可同時擁有兩張證明書（影意志不明所以，但對方亦無法列出清晰原因）

9月21日
直到放映前兩小時，影意志才收到電檢處發出的證明書，而《理大圍城》被評為III級，需作出退票手續。為觀眾帶來不便，影意志深感抱歉。

影意志及香港紀錄片工作者不希望為業界帶來錯誤先例，但亦不想真相任由香港政府扼殺、及默許歷史被政權改寫！為了能順利放映，影意志暫時接受此條件，但一定會繼續上訴！請大家廣傳此消息！多謝大家一直支持香港電影；煩請以後看電影出現奇怪告示，請大家不要誤會導演們！

*註1：在香港舉行之所有公開放映，需獲得由香港電影、報刊及物品管理處發出的核准證明書，方可進行放映活動；否則，實屬違法。

__________

❗️Disclaimer: The opinion expressed in the statement issued by The Office for Film, Newspaper and Article Administration (OFNAA) does not reflect the views of the director and the production team.

The Tug of War with the OFNAA over “Taking back the Legislature" + "Inside the Red Brick Wall".

Although “Taking back the Legislature" and "Inside the Red Brick Wall" have not shied away from controversy, yet the production crew have always strived to objectively capture every social movement against all odds, and the films have received a wide swath of responses since their release.

Nevertheless, the OFNAA has gone out of their way to coerce the directors into making statements against their wills. When failed to oblige, they could face having their works barred from screening by the OFNAA with whatever administrative reasons they might come up with.

Therefore, Ying E Chi hereby express our strong discontent to the following actions of the OFNAA:
1. Force the films to be edited under the pretext of protecting everyone, but in fact, only to protect their own interest
2. Request an announcement to be made at the beginning of the film, yet refused to be declared as the one who demanded the announcement
3. Overturn the previous certificate issued by the OFNAA with unspecified reason
4. Fail to issue the certificate on time as promised, whilst shifting the responsibility to the applicant

The statement required by the OFNAA is as follows:
“Taking back the Legislature”:
“This film records the serious incident of the storming of the Legislative Council Complex on 1 July 2019. Some of those depictions or acts may constitute criminal offences under prevailing laws.”

“Inside the Red Brick Wall:
“This film records the serious incidents at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University and nearby areas in November 2019. Some of those depictions or acts may constitute criminal offences under prevailing laws. Some of the contents of or commentaries in the film may be unverified or misleading.”

Here is how the negotiation between Ying E Chi and the OFNAA unfolds:

Mid-July
Ying E Chi filed an application for a Certificate of Approval for the old version of “Taking back the Legislature" + "Inside the Red Brick Wall".

7/8/2020 (A month after the National Security Law was enacted)
The first time Ying E Chi were notified by the OFNAA that a warning issued by them must be added at the beginning of the film. Ying E Chi then categorically declared that since the content of the warning does not reflect the will of the director, the films will not be edited as a result. The OFNAA responded by saying the administrative procedure might be delayed if their instructions have not been followed.

3/9/2020 (About 2 months after the National Security Law was enacted)
Ying E Chi handed in the application again with a new version of the films including the warning statement as requested, indicating that the warning is issued by the OFNAA.

8/9/2020
Ying E Chi were informed by the OFNAA to remove the statement at the beginning of the film as it does not belong to the film. Ying E Chi responded by calling out the absurdity of such request, as the OFNAA ought not to ask the films to be edited before they even review the whole film. Yet again the OFNAA demanded the changes to be made since it might cause a delay in the reviewing process.

9/9/2020
As a result, Ying E Chi submitted a new version at the first instance at the request of the OFNAA.

15/9/2020
Ying E Chi phoned in to enquire about the application procedure, since the application was made on the 3 Sep, so the Certificate of Approval should be issued on 17 Sep. However, the OFNAA replied that the Certificate of Approval would in fact not be granted this week for they claimed to have received the updated version on 11 Sep, so they could only have begun the reviewing process officially on the 14th, and thus the earliest time the certificate could be issued would be 21 Sep. (Note: Despite the official application date listed on the application form was 3 Sep, the OFNAA still tried to avoid the responsibility caused by their sluggish bureaucratic process.

18/9/2020 6.40pm (Office Hour ends at 6pm)
The OFNAA informed Ying E Chi that a statement PROVIDED by them must be included at the start of the film, and the new version must be handed in on 21 Sep, otherwise the Certificate of Approval would not be issued on the day of the screening. Ying E Chi again requested to indicate the OFNAA as the one who issued the statement, and that the certificate should be granted on screening day. The OFNAA, however, rejected to be identified as the one who issued such a statement, and insisted that all amendments can only be made subject to their approvals and requirements. At the time, Ying E Chi were informed that the Certificate of Approval obtained for the old version of “ Taking back the Legislature" + "Inside the Red Brick Wall" could no longer be used, as there cannot be two certificates for both old version and the updated version. (Ying E Chi, are deeply confounded by this sudden decision, but the OFNAA has failed to offer any clarifications.)

21/9/2020
Not only have Ying E Chi just received the certificate on the day of the screening from OFNAA, but at the same time we have been notified that "Inside the Red Brick Wall” has been classified as a Category III Film, and therefore need to make the refund arrangements.

We are profoundly sorry about the inconvenience caused.

It is not the wish of Ying E Chi and Hong Kong Documentary Filmmakers to set the wrong example for the industry, yet we would hate to have the truth to be buried by the Hong Kong Government or to let those in power rewrite the history. Ying E Chi have compromised for this instance in order to facilitate this screening, we, nevertheless, will keep on protesting, so please spread the words and make our story known. Thank you for continuing to support Hong Kong films, and from now on please do not be misled by any bizarre statements in movies and misunderstand the directors.

*Note: Under the Film Censorship Ordinance (Cap 392), a film intended for exhibition in Hong Kong at any public place has to be submitted to the Office for Film, Newspaper and Article Administration for prior approval. Failing to comply with such requirement may constitute a criminal offence.

泰晤士報人物專訪【Joshua Wong interview: Xi won’t win this battle, says Hong Kong activist】

Beijing believes punitive prison sentences will put an end to pro-democracy protests. It couldn’t be more wrong, the 23-year-old says.

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/joshua-wong-interview-xi-wont-win-this-battle-says-hong-kong-activist-p52wlmd0t

For Joshua Wong, activism began early and in his Hong Kong school canteen. The 13-year-old was so appalled by the bland, oily meals served for lunch at the United Christian College that he organised a petition to lobby for better fare. His precocious behaviour earned him and his parents a summons to the headmaster’s office. His mother played peacemaker, but the episode delivered a valuable message to the teenage rebel.

“It was an important lesson in political activism,” Wong concluded. “You can try as hard as you want, but until you force them to pay attention, those in power won’t listen to you.”

It was also the first stage in a remarkable journey that has transformed the bespectacled, geeky child into the globally recognised face of Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy. Wong is the most prominent international advocate for the protests that have convulsed the former British colony since last summer.

At 23, few people would have the material for a memoir. But that is certainly not a problem for Wong, whose book, #UnfreeSpeech, will be published in Britain this week.

We meet in a cafe in the Admiralty district, amid the skyscrapers of Hong Kong’s waterfront, close to the site of the most famous scenes in his decade of protest. Wong explains that he remains optimistic about his home city’s prospects in its showdown with the might of communist China under President Xi Jinping.

“It’s not enough just to be dissidents or youth activists. We really need to enter politics and make some change inside the institution,” says Wong, hinting at his own ambitions to pursue elected office.

He has been jailed twice for his activism. He could face a third stint as a result of a case now going through the courts, a possibility he treats with equanimity. “Others have been given much longer sentences,” he says. Indeed, 7,000 people have been arrested since the protests broke out some seven months ago; 1,000 of them have been charged, with many facing a sentence of as much as 10 years.

There is a widespread belief that Beijing hopes such sentences will dampen support for future protests. Wong brushes off that argument. “It’s gone too far. Who would imagine that Generation Z and the millennials would be confronting rubber bullets and teargas, and be fully engaged in politics, instead of Instagram or Snapchat? The Hong Kong government may claim the worst is over, but Hong Kong will never be peaceful as long as police violence persists.”

In Unfree Speech, Wong argues that China is not only Hong Kong’s problem (the book’s subtitle is: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now). “It is an urgent message that people need to defend their rights, against China and other authoritarians, wherever they live,” he says.

At the heart of the book are Wong’s prison writings from a summer spent behind bars in 2017. Each evening in his cell, “I sat on my hard bed and put pen to paper under dim light” to tell his story.

Wong was born in October 1996, nine months before Britain ceded control of Hong Kong to Beijing. That makes him a fire rat, the same sign of the Chinese zodiac that was celebrated on the first day of the lunar new year yesterday. Fire rats are held to be adventurous, rebellious and garrulous. Wong is a Christian and does not believe in astrology, but those personality traits seem close to the mark.

His parents are Christians — his father quit his job in IT to become a pastor, while his mother works at a community centre that provides counselling — and named their son after the prophet who led the Israelites to the promised land.

Like many young people in Hong Kong, whose housing market has been ranked as the world’s most unaffordable, he still lives at home, in South Horizons, a commuter community on the south side of the main island.

Wong was a dyslexic but talkative child, telling jokes in church groups and bombarding his elders with questions about their faith. “By speaking confidently, I was able to make up for my weaknesses,” he writes. “The microphone loved me and I loved it even more.”

In 2011, he and a group of friends, some of whom are his fellow activists today, launched Scholarism, a student activist group, to oppose the introduction of “moral and national education” to their school curriculum — code for communist brainwashing, critics believed. “I lived the life of Peter Parker,” he says. “Like Spider-Man’s alter-ego, I went to class during the day and rushed out to fight evil after school.”

The next year, the authorities issued a teaching manual that hailed the Chinese Communist Party as an “advanced and selfless regime”. For Wong, “it confirmed all our suspicions and fears about communist propaganda”.

In August 2012, members of Scholarism launched an occupation protest outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. Wong told a crowd of 120,000 students and parents: “Tonight we have one message and one message only: withdraw the brainwashing curriculum. We’ve had enough of this government. Hong Kongers will prevail.”

Remarkably, the kids won. Leung Chun-ying, the territory’s chief executive at the time, backed down. Buoyed by their success, the youngsters of Scholarism joined forces with other civil rights groups to protest about the lack of progress towards electing the next chief executive by universal suffrage — laid out as a goal in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s constitution. Their protests culminated in the “umbrella movement” occupation of central Hong Kong for 79 days in 2014.

Two years later, Wong and other leaders set up a political group, Demosisto. He has always been at pains to emphasise he is not calling for independence — a complete red line for Beijing. Demosisto has even dropped the words “self-determination” from its stated goals — perhaps to ease prospects for its candidates in elections to Legco, the territory’s legislative council, in September.

Wong won’t say whether he will stand himself, but he is emphatically political, making a plea for change from within — not simply for anger on the streets — and for stepping up international pressure: “I am one of the facilitators to let the voices of Hong Kong people be heard in the international community, especially since 2016.”

There are tensions between moderates and radicals. Some of the hardliners on the streets last year considered Wong already to be part of the Establishment, a backer of the failed protests of the past.

So why bother? What’s the point of a city of seven million taking on one of the world’s nastiest authoritarian states, with a population of about 1.4 billion? And in any case, won’t it all be over in 2047, the end of the “one country, two systems” deal agreed between China and Britain, which was supposed to guarantee a high degree of autonomy for another 50 years? Does he fear tanks and a repetition of the Tiananmen Square killings?

Wong acknowledges there are gloomy scenarios but remains a robust optimist. “Freedom and democracy can prevail in the same way that they did in eastern Europe, even though before the Berlin Wall fell, few people believed it would happen.”

He is tired of the predictions of think-tank pundits, journalists and the like. Three decades ago, with the implosion of communism in the Soviet bloc, many were confidently saying that the demise of the people’s republic was only a matter of time. Jump forward 20 years, amid the enthusiasm after the Beijing Olympics, and they were predicting market reforms and a growing middle class would presage liberalisation.

Neither scenario has unfolded, Wong notes. “They are pretending to hold the crystal ball to predict the future, but look at their record and it is clear no one knows what will happen by 2047. Will the Communist Party even still exist?”

https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1119445/unfree-speech

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Ever since it came out for the PlayStation 2 in 2004, I always wanted to play this game, but never got around to it. It was developed by renowned developer Treasure, along with Konami and G.Rev, who made the very good horizontally-scrolling shooter called Border Down on Sega Dreamcast. Back then, all we could get about videogames were screenshots, and the screenshots we got of this game were beautiful. I just remember the big red goo-balls with eyeballs on them.

In the past year, I was slowly getting more into shooters, thanks to shows like Game Sack (https://www.youtube.com/user/MrGameSack/about). I even played through R-Type III on the SNES and made a walkthrough for it (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A7Snhd7ef9k). After playing a lot of 2D shooters with sprites, I was in the mood for something with a little more visual flair.
Gradius V is a beautiful 2.5D shoot-em-up (or shmup for short), crafted with 3D polygons, but played on a 2D plane. It never got the hype that Ikaruga did, another of Treasure's games. Ikaruga was codenamed Project RS2, as in Radiant Silvergun 2. Radiant Silvergun was a Japan-only release that almost immediately was worth over a hundred dollars even back in the late 1990s. The fact that we in the West were getting its followup on the Gamecube had IGN game-journalists frothing with demand.

Gradius V, in contrast, was the fifth numbered installment in a solid but unspectacular series of shooters dating back to the 1980s; the hype-level was not very high. This is part of the reason why I never purchased it when it was available new in stores. The other part was that I was a big Nintendo-fanboy at the time. Sadly, If it had come out for the Gamecube, I would have snatched it up immediately.

Much time has passed, and last November, I finally bought a copy off of ebay (https://www.ebay.com/), although there is a digital version on PSN (https://store.playstation.com/en-us/product/UP9000-NPUD20712_00-0000000000000000).

The game is very challenging, but there are certain options you can change so that it is forgiving and beatable, with time, perseverance, and desire. You can change the difficulty-level, number of lives, points needed for extra lives, enable an option to spawn right where you died, and even reacquire dropped satellites (or Options, or Multiples, as this game calls them) after you die and come back. Also, for every hour of gameplay, you earn an extra Credit (continue).

Gradius V is a methodical shooter, like R-Type, in that you will have to use very precise movement through the levels and against enemies, like a doctor with a scalpel performing brain-surgery. Patience and memorization will be keys in beating this game.

I really enjoyed this game. It's a treat for the eyes, even nowadays. I played the game both on my Toshiba 14-inch CRT TV, as well as on my LCD monitor upscaled to 1440x960 via the OSSC. The music is very ambient and doesn't distract you from the game. I liked how it wasn't overly cheerful, like in the other games in the series. The controls are customizable, and so you can spread the functions out more across the controller, instead of having them all on the face of the Dual Shock 2. I put rapid-fire on R1, and used X to select my power-up, and Square to fiddle with my satellites.

Some games make you feel good about yourself after you beat them, and this is one of those games. Gradius Five gets a five... out of five.

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Recording footage for this game was an adventure in itself because it was the first time I had to deal with 480i. I was setting the OSSC to scale 2X, but the resolution wasn't changing. Only after trying 4X, did I get the desired 1440x960.

The game runs in a native 720x480 resolution, which is not 4:3, but 3:2. I thought something was wrong, but I looked it up, and learned that not all games that were 480i or 480p were 640x480.

I played this real physical copy on a real Sony PlaySation 2 with an HD Retrovision cable hooked up to an OSSC, which was hooked up to a Micomsoft XCapture-1. I tried using OBS for the first time, but I didn't like the results, so I stuck with Micomsoft's VideoKeeper2 software.

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The song in my new intro and outro was done by Hyper Potions, and it is called Time Trials. You can check out the full song here: https://youtu.be/mnfNWe-HHsI.

今日はじめて来てくれました、
堺市ウォーカー見て、堺市で一番あのカレーを食べに、
来てみると、ライダーズカフェだった・・・
かなり驚いたそうです、
グルメとライダーズカフェ、
よろしく、

ライダーズカフェMACHⅢ
大阪府堺市美原区北余部４６９－６
ＴＥＬ＆ＦＡＸ０７２－３６１ー３１７１
http://www.h4.dion.ne.jp/~maltuha/index.html
Kawasaki and GPZ900R (Gapezet moxa cautery are) are the motorcycles, and new generation sports Zarah of the Kawasaki (Kawasaki Heavy Industries) marketed in 1984. A pet name of Ninja (ninja) was named to the North America specification.
Outline

Because it was not possible to hope, and weight was too large, the performance gain more than this ruined the movement though GPz1100 that had been manufactured till then adopted four air cooling cylinder engine with the tradition since Z-1.

To achieve loading sports with brilliant under the power performance and the one class of GPz1100 or more, GPZ900R was developed. At that time, the engine demonstrated 115ps by the displacement of 908cc in the first generation of water-cooled designed quite newly, and was a performance of the first class. Moreover, the body that supported it adopted a diamond frame that used the engine as a stress member instead of abolishing the down tube made of high-tension steel (high-tensile steel) assumed to be a RIDGID conclusion without having the mule mount, and contributed to the small size and lightening. Moreover, the adoption of 16-inch wheel will be able to be called a novel point with full Cowling who suppresses the air resistance at that time.

A light sports car more than GPz110 0 was born in all respects such as the speed, acceleration, and cornering though some maximum speed of GPZ900R marked 250Km/h, and was inferior to that of GPz1100 by the horsepower as the result.


* The engine power is dropped to 108ps.
* The dry weight increases to 234kg.
* The Ann meter is abolished according to meter panel design change.
* Design change of rearview mirror
* Material change of seat sponge
* Design change in step mule
* Dumas switch change (designing and winker push cancellation making)
* Wheel design and size change (F:2.50-16 → 3.00-17,R:3.00-18 → 3.50-18)
* Change in size of tire (F:120/80-16 → 120/70-17,R:130/80-18 → 150/70-18)
* Brake..caliper..change..do..jar..oppose..jar..do..jar..do..jar.
* Change in brake rotor (F:280 φ → 300 φ,R:270 φ → 250 φ)
* Change (38 φ → 41 φ) AVDS (front fork sinking prevention function) abolition of
front fork
* Change of length of silencer (Become about 30mm longer).
* Coloring change ebony × pearl Cosmic gray and ebony × fire cracker red engine

This engine hit as real water-cooled engine at the first generation has the structure not seen so much in the other companies that doesn't use the stud bolt, and cools the sleeve directly by a wet liner. In addition, the thing to adopt "Side cam chain" method is the feature one in the cam chain because suction is made more straight and it improves efficiency laid out to the left end.

The approval or disapproval comes from there is a dislike of strength and lubrication shortage a little, and burning into first when the output improves of this part of the crank in the place in which it divides though combining ..digging.. and the crank shaft try the waist under by the crank web and assume the suppressed structure with one-place's of the journal cap, and try a primary gear of the first deceleration to control the width of the engine. The RIDGID mount that the mount is done directly by the frame without the mule is scheduled, and it averts and because F measures were necessary, the first balancer driven by the output from the crank shaft is built into at first this engine.

The cylinder head looks very large from the left side the valve scissors corner is might large, large-scale, and with the cam chain tunnel especially when seeing from the present level. The inside of this head is locker arm type DOHC of one cam two valve drive, and "Cageri" is caused easily from defective lubrication, and it is enumerated in one of the weak points between slippers sides of this camshaft and the locker arm.

The point that derived type's engine built one age afterwards from develop the point and afterwards exactly became "Mainspring" abundant might be value to the special mention from which it extends for 20 years to be near afterwards and this cars are produced though it was an engine with a lot of weak points like this.

It is off-the-beaten-path that the racing machine based on this engine was developed in parallel with GPZ900R though Kawasaki was not able to turn on the actual combat because it stopped the race activity in 1983.