關於 joint mobilization ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【關於整脊、喬骨的迷思】
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「喬骨完，十年的脊椎側彎就沒了」
「我每次被『喀拉』完，骨頭變正，就不會駝背」
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「整脊、喬骨、關節鬆動術、徒手治療、正骨、復位」聽起來都很相似，其目的是相近的，即透過「雙手來調整關節或骨頭之間細小的動作或位置」。
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而不同學派有不同名稱，包括民俗療法、脊骨神經醫學（Chiropractic）、骨療法（osteopathy）、物理治療（physiotherapy）等。不管是哪種學派，其實只要有療效或自覺對身體有幫助，我覺得都是好的，但也需確保操作者是有相關經驗及背景的，因為其具一定的風險，喬好叫復位、喬不好叫脫位或骨折。
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以下整理三個常見的迷思：
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1. 喬骨、整脊是在移動骨頭？
對的，包括整脊、或物理治療師用的關節鬆動術（Joint mobilization/manipulation）都是試圖在「調整骨頭或關節的細小動作或位置」，但是，大家常誤解的是「骨頭被移動的程度」。
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在進行鬆動術時，骨頭位移的程度是以大多為釐米（mm）為單位，較大或鬆的關節可能做到1-2公分，但其餘的關節至多都在1公分內，因此，位移的程度也只在一個一元硬幣的範圍，但我聽病人都說的像動了一台大手術一樣，復位到X光都可以看得很清楚。當肉眼或摸起來有差別的，大多是你真的「脫臼、脫位」了，這時候做復位的強度才會位移幾公分。
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2. 有喀拉的聲音才是有效？
這句話對一半，因為在按壓的瞬間『有聲音、喀一聲』會額外造成一個心理的療效，大多數人聽到這「喀一聲」就覺得開了，我們又稱為安慰劑效應（placebo effect）。
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其實，有效的關節位移或調整，不見得會伴隨關節產生聲響，所以同樣都能達成「調整、矯正後」的療效。所以「病患不用要求治療者一定要用力到壓出聲音，治療者也不用追求一定要做出聲音」，不過，安慰劑效應或心理作用只要有幫助，我覺得也是需要的，就像有時候進醫院看到一個人穿著白袍，就覺得身體好了一些。
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3. 矯正、調整以後，就一勞永逸？
我自己認為是非常困難的，曾經在網路上看過說「脊椎側彎、長短腳、骨盆歪掉、駝背、長不高」等，靠一兩次整脊跟調整就好了，這個我抱持疑問。今天身體會處在較「不平衡、不正」的位置，除非是剛好車禍、摔倒，不然九成的人都是長時間累積造成，事出必有因。
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常見的例子為一側肌肉比較緊、另一側肌肉較鬆，而慢慢把骨頭或關節的位置偏移掉（再次重複，這個幅度也是mm為單位，不是大家想的cm），經過月、年才造就現在的狀況。「我相信徒手調整能暫時矯正，但它絕對不是長期的，長期一定要配合矯正性訓練、運動、姿勢或習慣的改變」
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其他文章：https://jackchen.sport.blog/
其他圖片：https://www.instagram.com/chenhc82/
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#chiropractic #osteopathy #rehabilitation #training #strengthening #exercise #physiotherapy #physiotherapist #CSCS #整脊 #整骨 #徒手治療 #復位 #防疫 #新冠病毒 #疫情 #關節有聲音 #復健 #肌力訓練 #訓練 #運動 #物理治療 #物理治療師 #肌力與體能訓練師 #陳曉謙

🇩🇰 這是一篇深度報導，來自歐洲現存最古老的報紙：丹麥Weekendavisen，題目是從香港抗爭運動、香港聯繫加泰羅尼亞的集會，前瞻全球大城市的「永久革命」。一篇報導訪問了世界各地大量學者，我也在其中，雖然只是每人一句，加在一起，卻有了很完整的圖像。

以下為英譯：

Protest! The demonstrations in Hong Kong were just the beginning. Now there are unrest in big cities from Baghdad to Barcelona. Perhaps the stage is set for something that could look like a permanent revolution in the world's big cities.

A world on the barricades

At the end of October, an hour after dark, a group of young protesters gathered at the Chater Garden Park in Hong Kong. Some of them wore large red and yellow flags. The talk began and the applause filled the warm evening air. There were slogans of independence, and demands of self-determination - from Spain. For the protest was in sympathy with the Catalan independence movement.

At the same time, a group of Catalan protesters staged a protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Barcelona in favor of Hong Kong's hope for more democracy. The message was not to be mistaken: We are in the same boat. Or, as Joshua Wong, one of the leading members of the Hong Kong protest movement, told the Catalan news agency: "The people of Hong Kong and Catalonia both deserve the right to decide their own destiny."

For much of 2019, Hong Kong's streets have been ravaged by fierce protests and a growing desperation on both sides, with escalating violence and vandalism ensuing. But what, do observers ask, if Hong Kong is not just a Chinese crisis, but a warning of anger that is about to break out globally?

Each week brings new turmoil from an unexpected edge. In recent days, attention has focused on Chile. Here, more than 20 people have lost their lives in unrest, which has mainly been about unequal distribution of economic goods. Before then, the unrest has hit places as diverse as Lebanon and the Czech Republic, Bolivia and Algeria, Russia and Sudan.

With such a geographical spread, it is difficult to bring the protests to any sort of common denominator, but they all reflect a form of powerlessness so acute that traditional ways of speaking do not seem adequate.

Hardy Merriman, head of research at the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict in Washington, is not in doubt that it is a real wave of protest and that we have not seen the ending yet.

"I have been researching non-violent resistance for 17 years, and to me it is obvious that there are far more popular protest movements now than before. Often the protests have roots in the way political systems work. Elsewhere, it is about welfare and economic inequality or both. The two sets of factors are often related, ”he says.

Economic powerlessness

Hong Kong is a good example of this. The desire among the majority of Hong Kong's seven million residents to maintain an independent political identity vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China is well known, but the resentment of the streets is also fueled by a sense of economic powerlessness. Hong Kong is one of the most unequal communities in the world, and especially the uneven access to the real estate market is causing a stir.

According to Lee Chun-wing, a sociologist at Hong Kong Polytechnic University, the turmoil in the city is not just facing Beijing, but also expressing a daunting showdown with the neoliberal economy, which should diminish the state's role and give the market more influence, but in its real form often ends with the brutal arbitrariness of jungle law.

'The many protests show that neoliberalism is unable to instill hope in many. And as one of the world's most neoliberal cities, Hong Kong is no exception. While the protests here are, of course, primarily political, there is no doubt that social polarization and economic inequality make many young people not afraid to participate in more radical protests and do not care whether they are accused of damage economic growth, 'he says.

The turmoil is now so extensive that it can no longer be dismissed as a coincidence. Something special and significant is happening. As UN Secretary General António Guterres put it last week, it would be wrong to stare blindly at the superficial differences between the factors that get people on the streets.
“There are also common features that are recurring across the continents and should force us to reflect and respond. It is clear that there is growing distrust between the people and the political elites and growing threats to the social contract. The world is struggling with the negative consequences of globalization and the new technologies that have led to growing inequality in individual societies, "he told reporters in New York.

Triggered by trifles

In many cases, the riots have been triggered by questions that may appear almost trivial on the surface. In Chile, there was an increase in the price of the capital's subway equivalent to 30 Danish cents, while in Lebanon there were reports of a tax on certain services on the Internet. In both places, it was just the reason why the people have been able to express a far more fundamental dissatisfaction.

In a broad sense, there are two situations where a population is rebelling, says Paul Almeida, who teaches sociology at the University of California, Merced. The first is when more opportunities suddenly open up and conditions get better. People are getting hungry for more and trying to pressure their politicians to give even more concessions.

“But then there is also the mobilization that takes place when people get worse. That seems to be the overall theme of the current protests, even in Hong Kong. People are concerned about various kinds of threats they face. It may be the threat of inferior economic conditions, or it may be a more political threat of erosion of rights. But the question is why it is happening right now. That's the 10,000-kroner issue, ”says Almeida.

Almeida, who has just published the book Social Movements: The Structure of Social Mobilization, even gives a possible answer. A growing authoritarian, anti-democratic flow has spread across the continents and united rulers in all countries, and among others it is the one that has now triggered a reaction in the peoples.

“There is a tendency for more use of force by the state power. If we look at the death toll in Latin America, they are high considering that the countries are democracies. This kind of violence is not usually expected in democratic regimes in connection with protests. It is an interesting trend and may be related to the authoritarian flow that is underway worldwide. It's worth watching, 'he says.

The authoritarian wave

Politologists Anna Lürhmann and Staffan Lindberg from the University of Gothenburg describe in a paper published earlier this year a "third autocratic wave." Unlike previous waves, for example, in the years before World War II, when democracy was beaten under great external drama , the new wave is characterized by creeping. It happens little by little - in countries like Turkey, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hungary and Russia - at such a slow pace that you barely notice it.

Even old-fashioned autocrats nowadays understand the language of democracy - the only acceptable lingua franca in politics - and so the popular reaction does not happen very often when it becomes clear at once that the electoral process itself is not sufficient to secure democratic conditions. Against this backdrop, Kenneth Chan, a politician at Hong Kong Baptist University, sees the recent worldwide wave of unrest as an expression of the legitimacy crisis of the democratic regimes.

“People have become more likely to take the initiative and take part in direct actions because they feel that they have not made the changes they had hoped for through the elections. In fact, the leaders elected by the peoples are perceived as undermining the institutional guarantees of citizens' security, freedom, welfare and rights. As a result, over the past decade, we have seen more democracies reduced to semi-democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes, ”he says.

"Therefore, we should also not be surprised by the new wave of resistance from the people. On the surface, the spark may be a relatively innocent or inconsiderate decision by the leadership, but people's anger quickly turns to what they see as the cause of the democratic deroute, that is, an arrogant and selfish leadership, a weakened democratic control, a dysfunctional civil society. who are no longer able to speak on behalf of the people. ”The world is changing. Anthony Ince, a cardiff at Cardiff University who has researched urban urban unrest, sees the uprisings as the culmination of long-term nagging discontent and an almost revolutionary situation where new can arise.

"The wider context is that the dominant world order - the global neoliberalism that has dominated since the 1980s - is under pressure from a number of sides, creating both uncertainty and at the same time the possibility of change. People may feel that we are in a period of uncertainty, confusion, anxiety, but perhaps also hope, ”he says.
Learning from each other.

Apart from mutual assurances of solidarity the protest movements in between, there does not appear to be any kind of coordination. But it may not be necessary either. In a time of social media, learning from each other's practices is easy, says Simon Shen, a University of Hong Kong political scientist.

“They learn from each other at the tactical level. Protesters in Hong Kong have seen what happened in Ukraine through YouTube, and now protesters in Catalonia and Lebanon are taking lessons from Hong Kong. It's reminiscent of 1968, when baby boomers around the globe were inspired by an alternative ideology to break down rigid hierarchies, 'he says.
But just as the protest movements can learn from each other, the same goes for their opponents. According to Harvard political scientist Erica Chenoweth, Russia has been particularly active in trying to establish cooperation with other authoritarian regimes, which feel threatened by riots in the style of the "color revolutions" on the periphery of the old Soviet empire at the turn of the century.

"It has resulted in joint efforts between Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Venezuelan, Belarusian, Syrian and other national authorities to develop, systematize and report on techniques and practices that have proved useful in trying to contain such threats," writes Chenoweth in an article in the journal Global Responsibility to Protect.

Max Fisher and Amanda Taub, commentators at the New York Times, point to the social media as a double-edged sword. Not only are Twitter and Facebook powerful weapons in the hands of tech-savvy autocrats. They are also of questionable value to the protesting grass roots. With WhatsApp and other new technologies, it is possible to mobilize large numbers of interested and almost-interested participants in collective action. But they quickly fall apart again.

The volatile affiliation is one of the reasons why, according to a recent survey, politically motivated protests today only succeed in reaching their targets in 30 percent of cases. A generation ago, the success rate was 70 percent. Therefore, unrest often recurs every few years, and they last longer, as Hong Kong is an example of. Perhaps the scene is set for something that might resemble a permanent revolution in the world's big cities - a kind of background noise that other residents will eventually just get used to.

"Since there is still no obvious alternative to neoliberalism, the polarization that led to the protests initially will probably continue to apply," says Lee of Hong Kong Polytechnic University. "At the same time, this means that the anger and frustration will continue to rumble in society."

【#香港研究推介】我剛在《現代中國》(Modern China)發表了期刊文章，回顧了主權移交後的 #中港關係。文章以 #一個國家兩種國族主義 為框架，指出2003年後北京以 #國家建構國族主義 (State building nationalism)為綱，在政治、經濟和意識形態各領域出擊，試圖將香港納入中央集權體制之下；但北京的全方位介入，卻激發了香港人對失去自治的擔憂，並匯聚成強調香港認同的 #邊陲國族主義(Peripheral nationalism)，帶動反對運動走向自治、自決或獨立。我在文中列舉大量實證數據，勾劃兩種國族主義之踫撞，包括我委託 香港大學民意研究計劃 (The Public Opinion Programme, The University of Hong Kong)進行而從未公開的調查，顯示6成受訪者認同 #香港自治備受威脅、而這6成受訪者中有一半表示會參與社會行動抵抗(總體受訪者三分之一)，頗能刻劃近年 #本土運動 的群眾動員基礎。

今年是 #主權移交20周年，此文章的最大價值，應該是向國際社會完整地展示，今日中港關係的真正面貌。請廣傳此文章給所有你認識的外地朋友，讓他們知道香港正在發生什麼事情。

全文下載：https://doi.org/10.1177/0097700417691470

〈One Country, Two Nationalisms: Center-Periphery Relations between Mainland China and Hong Kong, 1997–2016〉

Abstract
According to the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law, Hong Kong was to exercise a high degree of autonomy under the framework of “one country, two systems” after the British handover of its sovereignty to China in 1997. In the initial post-handover period, Beijing adopted a policy of nonintervention in Hong Kong, but the outbreak of the July 1, 2003 protest triggered a subsequent change of policy. Since then, Beijing has embarked on state-building nationalism, adopting incorporation strategies so as to subject Hong Kong to greater central control over the political, economic, and ideological arenas. Ironically, instead of successfully assimilating Hongkongese into one Chinese nation, Beijing’s incorporation strategies are leading to a rise of peripheral nationalism in the city-state and waves of counter-mobilization. This article analyzes mainland–Hong Kong relations on the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover and offers insights from an emerging case study that builds upon the nationalism literature.

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