【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
define citizen 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
define citizen 在 美國在台協會 AIT Facebook 的最佳解答
💕「愛台灣,我的選擇」系列第四發
「我在台灣出生長大,畢業於台灣大學資工系及資工所。畢業之後,我創辦了批踢踢(PTT)實業坊,這個經驗非常有趣,因為在台灣我們可以匯聚最優秀的人才,來創立非營利組織,而批踢踢也成為極具影響力的線上論壇;這個線上論壇是非營利性質,且使用開放原始碼,因此可以快速因應台灣所面對的急迫挑戰。後來我進入美國國家衛生研究院,進行人類基因研究,接著於2006年至2017年進入微軟工作。雖然微軟是間擁有頂尖人才的大企業,我還是很想念台灣。我認為人工智慧時代在定義未知的領域,台灣有獨特的優勢,台灣雖小但人才濟濟,要在台灣快速找到一群受過良好教育、且樂意進行創新的資訊工程師並非難事,因此我決定回來台灣發展人工智慧。我認為人工智慧目前的發展類似於1995年網路興起的階段,現在正是定義未來的時候,而台灣則是推動這股浪潮的絕佳地點,台灣擁有最優秀的軟體人才,同時擁有硬體公司,因此能快速整合資源、投入研發,這也是我們選擇回台創立『台灣人工智慧實驗室』的原因。」
✅杜奕瑾為美國及台灣公民,並為「批踢踢實業坊」及「台灣人工智慧實驗室」創辦人
Why I Chose Taiwan #4💞
“I grew up in Taiwan. I went to National Taiwan University for my Computer Science degree and my master’s degree. After I graduated, I founded PTT. That was a very interesting experience. In Taiwan we can bring the best people together for a non-profit organization, and ours became a very influential online forum. And this online forum is non-profit and open source, so it can quickly respond to the latest challenges in Taiwan. After that, I went to the United States and I worked for the NIH (National Institutes of Health) on the Human Genome Research Project. Then I worked for Microsoft from 2006 to 2017. I came back to Taiwan because, although Microsoft is a very big company with top talent, I missed the people here in Taiwan. Taiwan is a very small place but the quality of human capital is very high here. Here in Taiwan we can quickly find a lot of highly educated computer scientists who are eager to do something innovative. Working to develop AI, I think AI is in a similar phase now to where the Internet was in 1995. It’s the time to define the future, and Taiwan is actually a very good place for that. We have the best software talents and we also have a hardware device company here, so in Taiwan can quickly put together the pieces and experiment together. That’s the reason why we founded AI Labs here in Taiwan.”
✅Ethan Tu is a dual U.S.-Taiwan citizen and the founder of PTT and AI Labs.
define citizen 在 What Is Digital Citizenship? - YouTube 的美食出口停車場
For a version of this video with ASL interpretation, visit: • What is Digital C... Does your school teach digital citizenship ? ... <看更多>