關於 the crisis thomas paine ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

質素
Quality qualityTranslated
以史為哈哈鏡，不知所謂！
- 「規定初中中國歷史獨立成科」動議發言稿。

鄭松泰︰主席， 這個動議肯定會成為一眾同僚，爭相借題發揮，表達對政權忠誠的場所。

做自己人的奴隸好？

青年新政兩位議員在誓詞的「支那」論，激起抗日戰爭的華人家國情懷，不期然想起近年備受好評之抗戰英文史書《被遺忘的盟友》，作者是牛津大學教授，他認為抗日戰爭是塑造現代中國民族主義的重要元素[註一]。著作引述了當時一位親共愛國記者杜重遠，抗戰早期在太原目擊一樁遊街示眾批鬥漢奸事件，其細節與後來文化大革命並無二致。作者判定抗戰引發的國族情緒，為後來中共建政後連串的政治運動打下群眾基礎[註二] 。

當下香港激起的愛國主義狂潮，又會否走上同一舊路？

魯迅被毛澤東評為：「向著敵人衝鋒陷陣的……民族英雄。」但在一九三六年，即是他生命的最後一年、日本全面侵華前一年，在其《且介亭雜文附集》卻如此說：「用筆和舌，將淪為異族的奴隸之苦告訴大家，自然是不錯的，但要十分小心，不可使大家得著這樣的結論：『那麼，到底還不如我們似的做自己人的奴隸好。』」上述文字雖然略嫌歐化累贅，但在八十年後的今天回望，卻有如未卜先知！

愛國愛港？雞，全部都係雞。

中共建政後一年(一九五○)介入韓戰，把聯合國軍從鴨綠江邊擊退；六十年代研發核子武器及彈道飛彈；在二十世紀七十年代排擠中華民國，在聯合國安理會取得常任理事國的地位，並以威逼利誘，逐漸使各國承認北京當局為中國的唯一「合法政權」；近年更成為世界第二大經濟體，早已解除「淪為異族奴隸之苦」的威脅。

然而，對不少香港年輕人的感受來說，中共收回香港的十九年半，令香港低下層及年輕一代生活困苦，不是民族解放，而只不過是「做自己人的奴隸」而已，「大家都是中國人」對他們來說，是「難聽過粗口」，這種逆反心態，久而久之日積月累，到他們當中有人得到代議士之位，年少氣盛之餘，陣營中又沒有老練但不失赤子之心的長輩點撥，結果就闖出大禍來。

當下這場民族主義之爭，看似大中國的一方佔盡上風。不過，同情北美殖民爭取獨立的英裔思想家湯瑪斯‧潘恩(Thomas Paine)，在一七七六年冬美國獨立戰爭的低潮期，寫了一篇名叫《美國危機》(The American Crisis)的政論小冊子，當中說：

「這是考驗人們靈魂的時刻，那些歲寒不經霜的士兵(summer soldier)和只能見陽光不能見陰霾的愛國者們(sunshine patriot)，在這個危機中將會動搖退縮而不敢再為國效勞了，但是那些堅持下來的人們，現在理應得到人們的愛戴和感激。暴政就像地獄一樣不易被戰勝，然而我們慰藉自己：鬥爭愈是艱難，勝利就愈加榮光；獲得愈廉價的東西，我們也就愈輕視…… [註三]」

Summer soldier及sunshine patriot就是香港人平日所指的「勝利球迷」了！建制派對梁、游二人窮追不捨，有風駛盡艃，但假設將來戰爭爆發，中共發行戰爭債券，並以人大釋法變相立法，強制具一定資產的香港永久居民購買，試問在座有多少人會欣然解囊？至梁、游二人及其支持者，遇上逆境則陣腳大亂，甚至棄甲曳兵，他們也算不上是真正的香港愛國者。大家都是「勝利球迷」而已，用網上用語來總括︰「雞，全部都係雞。」不要分得那麼細！

學子需要怎麼樣的歷史教育？

特區政府最近發表的《初中中國歷史修訂課程第一次諮詢稿》，內容令人驚嚇：把傳統的治亂興衰部份壓縮，多談歷朝盛世，對衰落及改朝換代的混戰，只輕輕帶過[註四] 。唐太宗李世民曾說：「以史為鏡，可知興替。」西方史學也有"Rise and Fall"的傳統敘事手法[註五]，亦有鑑古知今的功用[註六] 。《香港城邦論》作者陳雲，早前在其網台節目，直斥《諮詢稿》的扭曲史觀為「反華」[註七] ，本席要加以補充，特區政府「以史為哈哈鏡」的畸形史觀，根本是反人類文明、反常識，甚至連中國大陸的初中「歷史與社會」科課程綱要也不如[註八]！

華人修抗日戰史，集中於宣揚被侵略的悲情，對日本為何走上軍國主義之路，卻甚少着墨[註九] ，對自己重蹈敵人覆轍懵然不知。日本明治維新時的《教育敕語》，是在一八九○年頒布的教育文件，內文中有「朕惟我皇祖皇宗，肇國宏遠……我臣民……億兆一心……此我國體之精華，而教育之淵源……一旦緩急，則義勇奉公，以扶翼天壤無窮之皇運……」語句[註十] ，向學童灌輸對日皇絕對效忠的思想，有極權法西斯傾向。當下的誓詞事件，中共及其同路人自詡代表「全球華人」意志的態度，也有「億兆一心」的味道！

主席，世局紛擾，歷史科當然應成為中學獨立科目，如此年輕人才不會草率犯下政治錯誤；也曉得暴政必亡的鐵律，避免盲從政權、攀附權貴。但課綱該如何撰寫，則不是靠代議士有限的發言時間，夾帶自身政見，可清議得出一個所以然來。故此，本席謹此陳詞，對原動議及所有修訂動議全投棄權票！

＃立法會大會發言
鄭松泰議員
二○一六年十一月十六日

＝＝＝＝＝

註釋

註一： 芮納‧米德(Rana Mitter)著，林添貴譯，《被遺忘的盟友》(Forgotten Ally: China's World War II, 1937-1945)(台北：遠見天下文化，二○一四年六月)頁三十三、三十九及四十三。

註二： 同上書，頁一百八十七至九。事件引述杜重遠著，《還我河山：杜重遠文集》(上海：文匯出版社，一九九八年)頁二百六十。二。

註三： 翻譯節選自上海三聯出版社《美國危機》，柯嵐編譯。

原文為：These are the times that try men's souls.

The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman.

Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.

What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives everything its value.

Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as freedom should not be highly rated.

Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to tax) but "to bind us in all cases whatsoever," and if being bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a power can belong only to God.

(https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Crisis_No._I)

註四：http://www.passiontimes.hk/article/2016-10-04/33062

註五：例如英國史家愛德華‧吉朋(Edward Gibbon)的《羅馬帝國衰亡史》(The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire)；美國哥倫比亞廣播公司駐歐記者威廉‧夏勒(William L. Shirer)的《第三帝國興亡史》(The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich)。

註六：英國廣播公司的著名歷史紀錄片Nazis: A Warning From History，其中文譯名正是《納粹警世錄》。

註七：(2:43-3:44) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZdTRLbiyc5Q

註八：參閱「人民教育出版社：課程教材研究所」網站的《政權分立與民族融合》教學設計(http://www.pep.com.cn/…/8s/jxal…/200510/t20051021_231144.htm)，及《走進歷史》教學設計(http://www.pep.com.cn/…/7s/jxal…/200510/t20051021_231093.htm)。

註九：近來少有的例外，是郭岱君編者，《重探抗戰史(一)：從抗日大戰略的形成到武漢會戰(1931-1938)》(台北：聯經出版公司，二○一五年十月)頁十七至六十六。

註十：全文為「朕惟我皇祖皇宗，肇國宏遠，樹德深厚。我臣民，克忠克孝，億兆一心，世濟厥美。此我國體之精華，而教育之淵源，亦實存乎此。爾臣民，孝于父母，友于兄弟，夫婦相和，朋友相信，恭儉持己，博愛及眾，修學習業，以啟發智能，成就德器。進廣公益，開世務，常重國憲，遵國法，一旦緩急，則義勇奉公，以扶翼天壤無窮之皇運。如是，不獨為朕之忠良臣民，亦足以顯彰爾祖先之遺風矣。」

斯道也，實我皇祖皇宗之遺訓，而子孫臣民，所宜俱遵守焉。通之古今不謬，施之中外不悖。朕與爾臣民，拳拳服膺，庶幾咸一其德。」(日本殖民時期，台灣總督府官定漢譯《教育敕語》https://zh.wikipedia.org/…/%E6%95%99%E8%82%B2%E6%95%95%E8%A…)

來看看2015 NYU鼓勵畢業生成為怎樣的一個社會公民！
https://www.facebook.com/jiangeng.chiou/videos/887575711280480/

這是一所偉大學校在畢業典禮上對他們學生的期勉。不是建立在身分地位金錢剝削冷感上的成功，而是"A noncomformist, an intellectual, a doer and natural-born activists"。身為暴民我真的在陽光普照的洋基球場哭了出來。

--
我知道你們對社會充滿深切的關心，我知道你們有創造力、想像力、直率，你們是不墨守成規的知識分子、實踐家以及天生的社運份子。......因此在這個美好的慶典場合，我不會讓你們卸下作為一個公民的義務。相反的，我鼓勵你們孕育心中那股永恆的焦慮，不滿於民主運行的不完美，那股我必須作些什麼的不適感。

而對於改善民主體制的使命感，正是公民責任的精隨，尤其是為了那些社會邊緣最需要幫助的人。
--
演講影片（82:00 ~ 97:45）：
http://www.nyu.edu/…/events-trad…/commencement/web-cast.html

逐字稿節錄：

So today is a day of celebration. And yet, because you are graduates of this great institution, I know that you are aware that out there – just outside the ring of celebration, outside the cushion of today’s excitement lies a more sobering reality. And while I promise not to kill the joy of your day, I want to say a few words about the challenges out there in the world you will rejoin after today’s celebrations. I feel comfortable doing so, because by virtue of you being an NYU graduate, I know that you are someone who is concerned with the world. I know that you are creative, imaginative, bold, a nonconformist, an intellectual, a doer and natural-born activist. I know that you take your citizenshipobligations seriously. By citizenship I do not refer to your legal status. I mean your responsibility to whatever community you belong – whether it’s the American community or the human community. You take seriously your responsibility to work for peace and justice, to protect and nurture opportunity and equality.

Since last August, I have found myself repeating under my breath from the time-to-time a line from a document I read in the 10th grade in my American Literature course at Hillcrest High School in Queens. I haven’t thought much about this text since that 10th grade class in 1976, but after unrest broke out in Ferguson, Missouri last summer.... After Eric Garner was killed here in New York, after I saw the execution of Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina, and yes after I learned early one Saturday night that two police officers were killed while on duty in Brooklyn, after I watched young people in my adopted city of Baltimore unleash frustration after years of neglect and dislocation – I found myself whispering the opening lines written by Thomas Paine in his pamphlet of the American Revolution: “these are the times that try men’s souls.” Yes, these are the times that try men’s... and women’s souls.

The past nine months have been trying indeed. They have challenged the very soul of our nation such that we cannot pretend even as are here filled with the excitement of this day that there are not deep challenges awaiting us. We cannot pretend that all is right in our land. And we should not. We can suspend reality for a few hours, maybe a few days, but then we must return to it.

The challenges we face are both personal and national. Some of you are excited today, but have no idea how you will manage the debt that you have accumulated to receive this wonderful education. Most of you have enjoyed the privilege of attending this great university and living in New York City. But for most of you, if you lived “on campus” at NYU, this will be the last time that you will be able to afford to live in Manhattan. Still others of you wonder about whether you will be able to find a job in your chosen field, one that provides maternity and paternity leave, and that will not discriminate against you for being gay or lesbian or transgender. Some of you despite this terrific education and having found a good job will find the veneer of success stripped away, as you are stopped on the street or in your car, even though you haven’t broken any laws and you are wearing a suit because, you are told, you “look like” a suspect in a robbery. Still others of you are struggling even now to take care of elderly parents who have little or no savings, or you cannot imagine how you will save enough to send your now infant son or daughter to NYU.

Many of you are doing just fine. But you recognize and accept willingly your obligation to concern yourself with the state of our democracy. You cannot ignore that there are an increasing number of states where there are hundreds of thousands of voters do not have the newly required identification demanded by ever-increasingly stringent voter id laws. You have never been to prison, nor has anyone you know. But you know that the prison population of our country has reached unsustainable and shameful proportions. You know that incarcerating 2 million people is a sign of American failure, not American success. You know that violent crimes levels are today as low as they were in the 1960s, and yet our prison population is 8 times the size it was in the 1960s.

You are living in a nation of staggering income inequality and of revived and entrenched racial segregation.

You saw the video of Eric Garner ‘s death or you saw Walter Scott running for his life and being shot like prey in North Charleston, South Carolina and you feel deeply, you know without question that our democracy faces challenges that demand your engagement, your response.

You have seen all of these things, worried over these things. You have felt the crisis that is enveloping us, the crisis of confidence in the rule of law, in our justice system, and you are wondering what your role must be. And you are right to do so. It is our citizenship obligation to engage the issues of our day. To work for peace. To demand justice but also to fight for beauty, civility, privacy, and dignity for everyone.

And so on the beautiful day of celebration, I will not relieve you of the obligations of citizenship. In fact, to the contrary, I encourage you to nurture that niggling worry, that sense of dissatisfaction, that inability to settle and to be content with the deep imperfections of our democracy. I encourage your discomfort, your sense that you must do something, you must contribute, that you must make your voice heard. That is the essence of citizenship -- that bone deep sense of obligation to improve our democracy – to improve it especially for those who are most marginalized and most in need.

And you, my beloved NYU graduates, you willfind your own way to make your contribution. You will teach young people. You will participate in government. You will make meaningful art and help those without access to see it, hear it, dance it, and sing it. You will fight for the right of children to have a childhood free from violence. You will commit yourself to finding the cure to a terrible disease, or to making treatment accessible to those who lack it. You will create opportunities for good jobs, you will treat your own employees humanely. You will fight passionately to protect our precious natural environment. You will stand against religious intolerance. You will do the hard work of communicating with those who disagree with you – of reviving the lost art of civil discourse in which you respect the humanity of the person with whom you are in conflict.

-- Sherrilyn Ifill, LDF President and Director-Counsel, 2015 NYU Commencement.

榮譽三章（自由時報副刊專欄）
王丹

一
1776年耶誕節午後，揭竿而起反抗英國母國的軍官們，將北美殖民地軍隊排列成小組，向他們宣讀托馬斯．潘恩（Thomas Paine）寫成的〈北美的危機〉（The American Crisis）。在戰鬥前夕，這篇著名的公開宣言在那些準備為獨立而戰的人聽起來有一種激動人內心的神聖感。「這是考驗人民靈魂的時刻，」潘恩寫道，「在當前的危機中，精壯的戰士和樂天的愛國者會在為國家服務的責任面前畏縮不前，但是今天能堅持戰鬥的人應當得到全體男女的愛戴和感激。專制制度就像地獄一樣，是不容易被打破的，但是我們可以堪慰的是：鬥爭愈是艱鉅，勝利就愈光榮。」12月26日，北美殖民地軍隊橫渡特拉華河取得了特倫頓一戰的大捷。從此大英帝國對北美殖民地的統治被撼動了，一個新的國家，一個未來世界的強權大國的誕生，迎來了曙光。

二
《拿破崙法典》是民法，民事訴訟法，商業法，刑法和刑事訴訟法的總稱，是西方法制史上一次歷史性的系統立法。其中尤以1804年3月議會通過的《法國民法典》最為成功。這部在兩個多世紀後仍在實施的民法典，包括物權，債權，婚姻，繼承以及許多沿用至今的民法概念，是第一部把羅馬法的基本精神完整傳承到近現代社會的民法，《法國民法典》確立了私有財產的神聖不可侵犯，明確了市場經濟條件下的商品交換和價值秩序，成為後世各國立法競相效仿的典範（中國是要到1990年代才通過民法典，說起來文明與法制上落後法國將近二百年）。這部民法典是法國大革命的成果，它將《人權宣言》中關於財產權，名譽權等基本人權的概念樹立起來，並在以後的歷史中逐漸推廣到了全世界，從而被認為是大革命結束的標誌。

拿破崙對自己主持製定這部法典非常滿意，他在〈聖赫勒拿島的回憶〉中說：「我真正的光榮並非打了四十次勝仗，滑鐵盧一役抹去了關於這一切勝利的記憶，但有一樣東西是不會被人忘卻的，它是永垂不朽的，那就是我的法典。」換句話說，這，就是拿破崙的歷史定位。

三
1949年以後，國民黨敗退台灣，當時以殷海光，雷震，毛子水等為代表的一批知識分子認為國民黨在大陸的失敗，主要是由於官員貪腐無能，以及一黨專政的獨裁統治。 這與蔣介石和國民黨的反省截然不同，也是雙方的分歧所在。在蔣介石看來，失敗的主要原因，是沒有管好黨，除了很多的內奸，沒有純潔隊伍，革命意識渙散。所以主要是要整黨，要改組。因此，蔣介石處心積慮要把「五四」運動以後逐漸形成的民主與科學思想從人民記憶中抹去，因此厲行思想管制。在那樣壓抑黑暗的年代，民主憲政的理想之所以還能維持於不墜，實與殷海光這一批人在《自由中國》發表的言論，具有密切的關係。

而殷海光的意義就在於他的入世精神，他不畏權勢也要介入社會公共事物的態度，後人評論說：這種入世的使命感使他不消極，不氣餒，不自怨自艾，不上山靜思，也不玩世不恭。當然，這也會付出代價。後來，《自由中國》被停刊，發行人雷震重判十年，殷海光長期受到當局打壓，無法公開表達言論。今天台灣的民主發展，就是那種代價結出的花朵。●