【澄清唬爆米花教室:被大內宣淹沒的美國總統署名投書】
先說這篇沒有圖,因為太重要不能亂放圖
在歷史上,從沒有美國總統親自投書到中華民國的報紙。但是在109年10月22日,美國總統參選人拜登以「More Prosperous Future For Our Families」(定稿中文標題:為我們家庭更繁榮的未來),以華人為主體,台灣人為核心訴求,投書聯合報系的世界日報,強調他願意與中國合作而非對抗,鄙棄川普的仇中獵巫,願意與華人聯手,但更重視台灣人的健保經驗,不願台灣人為美國火中取栗而是共同繁榮。
但在一片大奇特的大內宣中,美國總統參選人的投書竟然在台灣地區被忽視。且不說拜登明明在聲譽卓著的 IBD/TIPP民調持續領先,比起川普根本鼓吹台灣人火中取栗(你對抗,我賺軍火,去跟大陸人死嗑來增加我談判勒索本錢)。
拜登不只親自署名投書,還誠懇說明他對台灣/兩岸的四大重點,根本是史上最誠懇與重要的待遇。既然親綠親川普主流媒體不報,那福編來報。
★
一、拜登堅持稱台灣是 leading democracy (領導性的民主政體),表示其無意支持台獨立場(不稱國家)
二、拜登大篇幅強調川普仇中、卸責不科學的推卸問題給中國,造成亞裔的困擾與災難,而這不是美國總統應為。(打了那些整天喊支那賤畜以為自己就會成為高等美國人的台灣地區背祖中國人的臉)
三、拜登大談健保對一般百姓重要性,表示他珍視台灣的健保經驗,也是未來與台灣的合作重心。
四、與其獵巫與仇中,他更重視與中國的合作,希望聯盟對世界更有幫助(雖然舉例醫療與氣候,但也只是舉例) 表示願意以兩大強權的合作,謀取更多世界利益。
其他我 不多說,請看原文與譯文。
#拜登給中華民國台灣與聯合報系的面子真的太大了
#聯合報系真正展現實力
#美國總統投書首中華民國系報紙
#大內宣只在意把我們當馬前卒的喇叭川普
為我們家庭更繁榮的未來/前副總統喬瑟夫.拜登
時局多艱,我們國家處在十字路口,正面臨疾病大流行、經濟大衰退,和一場將決定我們未來很長一段時間的選舉。
今年 我們看到美國最好的一面
今年,我們看到美國最好的一面引領我們向前:英勇的醫師、護士、日常雜貨商、餐館業主、必要行業工作者 — 而其中,包括許許多多的亞裔美國人。
今年 我們也看到美國最糟情況
但我們也看到最糟的情況:亞裔美國人誤因新冠病毒遭仇視的行為比比皆是,某種程度上,是因為川普總統發布的仇恨言論所致。亞裔美國人被責備、被唾罵、被攻擊;家園、商家和汽車被侮辱性標記破壞;年幼的孩童被刺傷,還有一名89歲的奶奶,在不斷升級的仇恨文化中遭人火焚。
這不該是我們原本的樣子。
亞裔美國人 使我們國家變強大
近兩個世紀以來,亞裔美國人使我們的國家變得強大 — 從掘金礦工,到加速我們崛起的鐵路和工廠工人,再到推動我們向前邁進的科學家、建築師、藝術家和企業家們。多年來,他們的勇氣、犧牲和成功,為美國夢注入動力,也讓美國穩為自由的燈塔與世界的希望。
川普卻不懂 傷了移民國價值觀
川普總統不懂這些。他帶頭攻擊我們作為移民之國的價值觀,甚至在我們的邊境,拆散成千上萬的孩童與父母。即便在這場大流行到來之前,我們的仇恨犯罪就已達到16年以來的新高。而如今,為了轉移自己抗疫失敗、未能保護我們國家的過失,無論是否因此導致上千反亞裔的種族歧視事件,他仍堅持把新冠病毒稱作「中國病毒」。
作為總統 我捍衛每人的美國夢
措辭很重要,總統措辭更為重要。作為總統,我將捍衛每個人的美國夢,讓每一勤奮努力的家庭,享有通向繁榮和美好未來的公平機會。我將反對任何形式的種族歧視,指示司法部優先處理仇恨犯罪,以彌合仇恨與分裂的傷口,而非煽風點火。
川普失敗 他讓我們的經濟崩盤
唐納德·川普早在今年1月就已知道新冠病毒的致命性,卻未採取任何行動。現在,超過22萬美國人因此失去生命,約3000萬人失去工作、工時和薪水,五分之一的小商家關門。川普失敗的領導力讓我們的經濟崩盤 — 他總統當得愈久,得以完全回歸正軌的時間也愈久。
我會控制疫情 讓我們重回生機
八個月過去了,川普仍然沒有(抗疫)計畫。而我有。
首先要擔起責任,努力控制疫情,讓我們重回生機。我將執行早在3月就擬定的計畫,擊敗新冠病毒。我將聽取科學家、專家的意見;保護我們的家庭;讓新冠檢測、治療, #以及最終的疫苗免費,並對所有人開放。
我會重建經濟 實質救助小商家
我將馬上開始重建更好的經濟,為數百萬遭受重創的小商家提供實質救助。他們是我們社區的生命線 — 但川普腐敗的復甦作法棄他們於不顧,只把紓困資金匯集到大公司手中。75%的亞裔小企業主,未能獲得任何首輪紓困金。這是錯誤的,我已要求確保員工在50人以下的小企業獲得紓困金,我也將增加他們獲得優惠和資金的長遠渠道,減輕阻礙移民業主的語言障礙。
我不會對年收40萬元以下者加稅
質言之,我的經濟復甦計畫將回報以工作,而不只是財富,將創造未來數百萬優薪工作。(信評機構)穆迪的獨立經濟學者發現,比起川普總統的作法,我的計畫會創造多出700萬的工作,以及超過1兆元的經濟增長。我也不會對任何年收入40萬元以下者加稅 —別懷疑。相反地,我還將確保超級富豪和大公司最終支付本應承擔的份額。
讓父母能付學費 讓醫保更平價
我一路走來,都在為工薪和中產家庭而戰;他們之中有許多勤勉奮鬥的移民,來到美國是為更好的生活。我將幫助父母有能力支付子女的優質教育、提高教師薪酬,並讓絕大多數家庭免費就讀公立學院。我將讓照顧年邁父母變得更容易,讓醫療保險更平價。川普現在要通過法院,廢除「可負擔健保法」,在一場致命大流行之中,剝奪數千萬人的醫療保險,這毫無道理。
與盟友並肩 深化與台灣的關係
同時,新冠病毒證明美國不能自外於世界。從重建我們最親近夥伴的關係開始,我們必須與其他國家攜手合作,應對影響我們所有人的國際挑戰。我們是一個太平洋強國,將與盟友並肩,增進我們在亞太地區共享的繁榮、安全與價值。這其中就包括深化與台灣這個居領先地位的民主政體、主要經濟體,以及科技重鎮的關係。台灣也是開放社會可以有效控制新冠病毒的閃亮典範。
更新領導力 符合美利益與中合作
我們應對中國的方式,會聚焦增強美國競爭力,再興國內優勢,並更新我們在海外的聯盟與領導力。我們將在符合美國利益的領域與中國合作,包括公共衛生和氣候變遷。
讓家庭團聚 修復破碎的移民系統
美國向來不只靠強大的國力,而是用身為榜樣的實力領導世界。要切實重現此景,我們也必須修復破碎的移民系統,讓家庭團聚,確保美國繼續吸引全球最出色與最聰明的人。
我將會傾聽 重塑我們熱愛的國魂
我競選是為讓美國更好的重建,重建美國作為一個充滿機會,團結和有全新開始的國家;一個由數代移民讓其強大的地方;一個所有人都能發聲、每張選票都有價值的地方。我將引領這些議題,更重要的是,我會傾聽。所以,請確保你今天將選票投出。
讓我們一起,重塑我們熱愛的國魂。
(世界日報華盛頓記者羅曉媛/譯)
More Prosperous Future For Our Families
by Former Vice President Joseph Biden for World Journal
These are tough times. Our country is at a crossroads, facing a pandemic, a recession, and an election that will decide our futures for a very long time.
This year, we've seen the best of America carry us forward: heroic doctors, nurses, grocers, restaurant owners, essential workers–including so many Asian Americans.
But we've also seen the worst: acts of hate against Asian Americans wrongly blamed for COVID-19, spurred on, in part, by hateful rhetoric from President Trump. They've been screamed at, spit on, and assaulted. Homes, businesses, and cars vandalized with slurs. Small children stabbed. An 89-year-old grandmother set on fire amid this rising culture of hate.
This is not who we are.
For nearly two centuries, Asian Americans have made our country strong–from the gold miners and railroad and factory workers who helped to power our rise; to the scientists, architects, artists, and entrepreneurs who are helping to drive us forward now. For years, their courage, sacrifices, and success have powered the American Dream and helped America stand as a beacon of freedom and hope to the world.
President Trump doesn't get that. He has led an assault on our values as a nation of immigrants, even tearing thousands of children from their parents' arms at our border. Hate crimes against people are at a 16-year-high, even before this pandemic. And now, to deflect blame for his failure to protect our nation from this crisis, he insists on calling COVID-19 the "China virus," no matter how many thousands of reported racist incidents against Asian Americans it encourages.
Words matter – and a president's words matter even more. As President, I'll defend the American Dream for everyone, so every hardworking family has the same fair shot at prosperity and a better future. I'll stand against racism in every form, directing the Justice Department to prioritize hate crimes, and working to heal the wounds of hatred and division, not fan the flames.
Donald Trump knew how deadly COVID-19 was back in January and did nothing to stop it. Now, more than 220,000 Americans are dead. Some 30 million have lost jobs, hours, wages. One in five small businesses have shut down. Trump's failed leadership has tanked our economy – and the longer he's president, the longer it'll take to get it fully up and running again.
We're eight months in, but Trump still has no plan. I do.
It starts with taking responsibility and doing the hard work to control this pandemic and get our lives back. I'll implement the plan I've laid out since March to beat COVID-19. I'll listen to scientists and experts; protect our families; and make testing, treatment, and any eventual vaccine free and available to everyone.
I'll get right to work building our economy back better – getting real relief out to millions of hard-hit small businesses. They're the lifeblood of our communities – but Trump's corrupt recovery passed them by, funneling funds to big corporations instead. Some 75% of Asian-owned small businesses weren't expected to get any first-round stimulus funds at all. It's wrong. I've called for ensuring small businesses with less than 50 employees get new relief funds. And I'll boost their long-term access to credit and capital, and work to ease the language barriers that can hold back immigrant entrepreneurs.
Through it all, my economic recovery plan will reward work, not just wealth, creating millions of good paying jobs of the future. Independent economists at Moody's found that my plan creates 7 million more jobs – and $1 trillion more in economic growth – than President Trump's would. And I won't raise taxes on anyone earning less than $400,000 a year – period. Instead, I'll make sure the super wealthy and big corporations finally pay their fair share.
I've fought my whole career for working and middle class families – so many of them hard-working immigrants who came to America in search of a better life. I'll help parents afford a quality education for their kids, boosting teacher pay and making public college free for most families. I'll make it easier to care for aging parents, and make health care more affordable. Trump is in court right now trying to repeal the Affordable Care Act, stripping tens of millions of people of health coverage in the middle of a deadly pandemic. It makes no sense.
Meanwhile, COVID-19 is proof that the United States can't isolate itself from the world. We have to work with other nations to meet global challenges that impact us all, starting by rebuilding our relationships with our closest partners. We're a Pacific power, and we'll stand with friends and allies to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Asia-Pacific region. That includes deepening our ties with Taiwan, a leading democracy, major economy, technology powerhouse – and a shining example of how an open society can effectively contain COVID-19. And our approach to China will focus on boosting American competitiveness, revitalizing our strengths at home, and renewing our alliances and leadership abroad. We'll work to collaborate with China when it's in our interest, including on public health and climate change.
America has always led the world not only with the example of our power, but the power of our example. To truly do that again, we also have to fix our broken immigration system, keeping families together and ensuring the United States continues to draw the world's best and brightest.
I'm running to build America back better, as a country of opportunity, unity, and new beginnings. A place made strong by generations of immigrants. A place where everyone has a voice and every vote counts. I'll lead on these issues, and more importantly, I'll listen. So please make sure you get your vote in today. Together we'll restore the soul of this nation we love.
#福編編譯? (編譯個鬼,是世界日報了不起! 大內宣與遍地綠媒鬼遮眼)
同時也有6部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅GreatKidsLearning,也在其Youtube影片中提到,ㄅㄆㄇ 中文注音符號 拼音範例19 (Traditional Chinese Pinyin Example 19) ㄇ與ㄛ的四聲發音範例 Learning Chinese Characters 其它相關學習影片的播放清單: 英文單字倍增法: https://www.youtube.com/...
「rhetoric example」的推薦目錄:
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rhetoric example 在 北歐心科學 NordicHearts Facebook 的精選貼文
陳雲:美國自由派政治及文化雜誌《大西洋雜誌》報導陳雲,說我是特朗普在香港的最忠實支持者,撰寫《特朗普厚黑學》(2017)支持特朗普,主張舉美國旗向美國示好及締結友誼,並且分析特朗普的務實政治及保護世界免收共產主義危害。文章的首三段、中段及結尾壓卷一段都是引述陳雲對特朗普的見解。
//To speak to Wan Chin, the host of a YouTube politics show, is to hear echoes of American conservative radio: An “invasion” of immigrants is crossing the border, filling public housing and sapping up limited government resources, he told me; the coronavirus is a “Frankenstein” superbug weaponized in a Chinese lab; and President Donald Trump’s “Rambo way” of leadership has finally called out China for its hostilities. When Trump was diagnosed with COVID-19, Chin took to Facebook to wish him “a speedy recovery from the mild flu,” parroting the president’s own downplaying of the virus’s severity.
Chin isn’t an American shock jock, though. In fact, he doesn’t even live in the United States. He is, instead, an early and prominent advocate of Hong Kong’s prodemocracy movement: His 2011 book, On the Hong Kong City-State, was a formative text for the localist movement, which seeks to promote and protect Hong Kong’s identity and way of life, separate from that of mainland China. Chin, a former professor, peppered his opinions with historical references to ancient Chinese dynasties and arcane tidbits from folk tales. The walls of his office are lined with Chinese and Buddhist shrines, ornately carved out of dark wood. As he spoke, a woman entered and lit a small bunch of incense, the fragrant smoke twisting upward toward a red “Make Hong Kong Great Again” T-shirt hanging near the door.
Chin is also an unapologetic cheerleader for Trump, whom he calls a “hero,” and he is far from alone. This city lies at the forefront of the global fight for democracy, a place where protesters have for more than a year stood against Beijing’s attack on Hong Kong’s autonomy, free press, and liberal institutions. Yet support for the president—whose own assault on democratic norms, gushing over the Tiananmen Square massacre, on-again, off-again praise of Chinese President Xi Jinping, initial lukewarm support of Hong Kong’s protest movement, and self-admitted slow-rolling of sanctions over Xinjiang’s mass-detention camps in favor of a trade deal—remains stronger in some quarters than for his Democratic rival, Joe Biden.
Following Trump’s election in 2016, Chin published The Trump Strategy, a book that analyzed the president’s dealings with China. Last year, when enormous protests erupted in Hong Kong, Chin urged his supporters to carry Trump flags and wear Trump gear to protests as punitive legislation targeting Hong Kong was making its way through Washington, playing to the president’s oversize ego and hoping to “catch his eye.” Chin told me he was drawn to Trump’s rhetoric on the economic risk China poses to the world, and used Hong Kong as an example of what he saw as state capture accomplished through Chinese state-owned enterprises—snatching up newspapers and swathes of real estate since the city returned to Chinese rule in 1997—as the type of threat Trump was sounding the alarm against...
Chin, the political commentator, said Trump had created irreversible momentum against China, but he nevertheless acknowledged the president’s contradictions. He is “a good leader, but not a democratic leader,” he told me. During his time in office, Trump had been “violating a lot of good practice of democracy,” he added, but, in exchange for taking on China, this was a “necessary evil.”//
rhetoric example 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
【#TheDiplomat🌍】難得The Diplomat讀者對香港有興趣:
The series of iron-fisted moves last month in Hong Kong may seem sudden to international observers: Hong Kong government’s earlier reinterpretation of the China-Hong Kong relationship, the election of a pro-Beijing legislator to be a Legislative Council chair through a controversial mechanism, and Beijing’s recent decision to impose a national security law on Hong Kong. The desire to bring Hong Kong under the banner of “one country, one system” is not impulsive. Quite the contrary, it’s a calculated campaign to initiate a so-called “second reunification with Hong Kong” — since the first reunification after the handover, using a lenient soft-power approach, has supposedly failed.
What are Beijing’s calculations that motivate this bold campaign now? And more important, will the campaign work?
While I remain highly skeptical of solely applying the realist framework to study Hong Kong, Beijing’s mentality is nonetheless entirely realism-driven. It is therefore essential to use this lens to understand more of their thoughts.
COVID-19: A Golden Opportunity on the International Stage?
To start with, the coronavirus pandemic seems to have created an ideal backdrop for Beijing to push forward its iron-fisted policy toward Hong Kong. The West has been devastated by the pandemic, more so than China, and has been slower to recover economically. Instead of decoupling from China, Beijing thinks the West is desperate for an influx of Chinese capital and markets. This notion encourages Beijing to pursue brinkmanship, in the form of confrontative “wolf warrior diplomacy,” its escalation of sharp power, and, most recently, Hong Kong’s national security law. As long as the international community does not put their condemnation into action, Beijing will keep pushing the envelope.
Beijing is convinced that the chambers of commerce representing other countries in Hong Kong will always place profits above all else as long as the national security law does not threaten them. Business deals struck at the crucial moment can entice foreign businesses to use their lobby teams in their home countries in Beijing’s favor.
Although anti-China sentiment has become more mainstream, Beijing, the major beneficiary of globalization in the past two decades, has tied its destiny with various elites internationally. These “friends of China” can be swayed to safeguard Beijing’s interests, but the up-and-coming leaders in many countries look less friendly. Therefore, the window of opportunity for Beijing to act is closing before the new value-driven generation comes to power.
The Lack of Incentive Behind the U.S. and U.K.’s Escalating Rhetoric
While U.S. politicians from left to right are vocal against China, their ultimate goal, Beijing believes, is to win votes in the November election. They would hence avoid hurting the interest groups they represent and go easy on actions aiming to punish China, such as denying Hong Kong’s status as a separate customs territory, sanctioning Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong, or escalating the trade war.
Even though the Trump administration is ramping up the rhetoric to sanction China, protecting Hong Kong’s autonomy is not one of the United States’ core interests. In contrast, having control over Hong Kong is China’s core interest. Beijing would rather make concessions over other disputes with Washington in exchange for claiming victory in Hong Kong for its internal propaganda.
Britain, the co-signer of the Joint Declaration for Hong Kong’s handover, is arguably most entitled to denounce Beijing’s violation, which would give mandates to the United States to act. But Beijing is convinced that Britain, not as powerful as it used to be, will not make such a move. Beijing’s recent plans to withdraw businesses from the United States and list them in the London stock market is a move to place a wedge between the two powers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateralism and his harsh stance against U.S. allies also strengthens Beijing’s conviction that the West will not follow the United States’ lead.
Beijing’s Divide and Conquer Strategy in Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s parliament, the Legislative Council (LegCo), is a major roadblock to Beijing’s control, as demonstrated twice since the handover — in 2003 when the national security law was first introduced and in 2019 with the anti-extradition legislation that sparked city-wide protests. In both setbacks, Beijing lost control when moderate pro-establishment legislators broke away from the party line in the face of public outcry. As the September LegCo election approaches, the last thing Beijing wants is for the election to become a de facto referendum on the single issue of the national security law, which could result in another landslide win for the democratic parties. The law would be untenable to the international community if it’s opposed by both pro-democracy voters, which according to polls account for 60 percent of the votes, and moderate pro-establishment voters.
The moderates, despite their reluctance to embrace hardline rule in Hong Kong, differ from the more militant faction within the non-establishment camp in that the former rejects the so-called “mutual destruction” option, which risks Hong Kong’s special trade status — its economic lifeline — as a bargaining tactic to force Beijing to back off. Now that Washington is considering withdrawing Hong Kong’s privileges, the possibility of mutual destruction is becoming real. As Beijing has been promoting a narrative that all supporters of the protest movement’s “Five Demands” are bringing about mutual destruction, Beijing hopes the moderates, in fear of losing their financial assets, might turn toward the establishment.
On the other hand, the pro-democracy camp is at risk of breaking apart. Moderate pro-democracy supporters have been going to rallies to keep up with the political momentum. However, marches with more than a million participants would be impossible under the current oppressive environment. For example, the authorities abuse COVID-19 social distancing measures to suppress rallies, permits for peaceful protests are increasingly difficult to obtain, pro-establishment businesses heavily censored the social media activities of employees, and outspoken individuals are often cyberbullied.
Without support from the moderates, some within the pro-democracy camp may radicalize, as Beijing expects. The radicalization would fit Beijing’s tactic of painting protests as separatism and terrorism, justifying the imposition of the national security law. The trajectory would be similar to Beijing’s handling of the 1959 Tibetan “riots,” during which Mao Zedong’s directive was “the more chaotic the scene, the better.”
The Nationalistic Agenda to Divert Domestic Attention
But after all, to Beijing, Hong Kong is not just Hong Kong. In the wake of the pandemic, Beijing urgently needs to uphold nationalism to divert unwanted attention from its economic crisis. That includes a global propaganda campaign to promote its triumph over COVID-19. Upgrading the Hong Kong protests to a national security issue — as a battle against foreign interference to complete the “reunification with Hong Kong” — best suits the nationalist atmosphere. The all-time low sense of belonging with China among the new generation in Hong Kong further justifies a strong-arm approach. The success of the strategy would offer a way to reunite with Taiwan, which would consolidate Xi’s leadership within the Communist Party.
Also, including the Hong Kong issue as part of the national agenda means that the Hong Kong government, which has already lost its will to govern, will dance to Beijing’s tunes.
This comprehensive crackdown on Hong Kong’s civil society is unprecedented. Beijing believes that the heavy-handed approach would pervade Hong Kong with a sense of powerlessness and bring it to its knees. As long as the international response is limited, the execution of the national security law, according to Chairman Mao’s “theory of contradiction,” will follow a script of “a soft hand” and “a firm hand.” That is, after its imposition, the law will initially apply restraint and be used only on individuals to set a stern example, so that the general public would feel as if the law does not impact them at all and property and stock prices would not fall. Gradually and subtly, if the realist formula of Beijing works, the “second reunification” could become a self-proclaimed success story for Beijing’s propaganda.
However, Beijing’s evaluations are not foolproof. Any single miscalculation could lead to a contradictory outcome for the People’s Republic of China. Is it really prepared?
▶️ 國安法:中國的現實主義框架
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HjhRbV8qTgo
⏺ 中美夏威夷峰會
https://www.patreon.com/posts/38378214
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