關於 one way ticket 中文 版 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【989陽光列車 0900-1200 每週歌單】

9/25 (五)
09:03:15 有一個姑娘 李榮浩
09:07:59 小動作 插班生
09:13:15 One Way Ticket 單程車票 Carrie Underwood 凱莉安德伍
09:19:49 Super Girl C.T.O
09:23:54 那種人 Marz23
09:33:09 吻別 陶晶瑩
09:38:54 My Favorite Things 我最喜愛的事物 Sinne Eeg 席娜艾格
09:48:50 彎彎的月亮 周蕙
09:52:48 不能沒有你 酷愛樂團
Total time is 60:01
10:04:01 任時光從身畔流逝 德永英明
10:07:53 許願樹 Wishing Tree 郭美美
10:11:36 藍色是最溫暖的顏色 鄧福如
10:17:59 愛我的歌(粵) 王力宏
10:22:07 對愛入座 蔡佩軒/屁孩 Ryan
10:30:32 Fast Car Jonas Blue/Dakota
10:35:48 一個人 陳零九/熊仔
10:39:12 最溫柔的懸念 唐禹哲
10:47:08 在你身邊 鍾漢良
10:51:41 低調的情歌敗給了高調的情歌 妮可醬
Total time is 60:01
11:04:14 Summer 葡萄不憤怒
11:08:13 Kiss and Make Up Dua Lipa/BLACKPINK
11:11:14 不然你要我怎麼樣 陳奕迅
11:20:11 人生我敬你一杯(台) 蕭煌奇
11:25:07 望愛(feat.譚詠麟) 陳慧琳
11:34:08 Forever Mr.Children
11:39:06 期待痛 蔡宗倫
11:43:13 想遇見一個人 曾詠熙
11:51:21 London Bridge 巴莎歡樂派對
11:55:07 造夢者 F.I.R.飛兒樂團
Total time is 60:01

9/24 (四)
09:04:08 謝謝你的愛1999 謝霆鋒
09:07:27 如果你說抱歉 江美琪
09:11:19 Oh My My JTR
09:16:35 三十而慄 郁可唯
09:21:28 蕾 可苦可樂
09:28:03 最難的是相遇 吳青峰
09:37:24 Wish I Could Fly Roxette
09:43:33 那不是雪中紅 JPM
09:51:54 曖昧 鄭可強
09:55:31 彩虹金剛 孫燕姿
Total time is 60:01
10:04:02 Careless Whisper Montell Jordan
10:09:31 我又不是女超人 孫盛希/魏如萱
10:13:27 COLORFUL 婁峻碩
10:19:50 常願意(粵) 岑寧兒
10:23:36 後來的我們怎麼去愛 陳威全/容祖兒
10:33:00 人生Blues 早安少女組
10:38:59 跟著月亮慢慢走 Tension
10:42:57 倔強 家家
10:49:27 如願以償 陳淑樺
10:53:10 我沒有你要的快樂 Color
Total time is 60:01
11:04:09 有沒有想過我 魏嘉瑩
11:08:15 說好各走五十步 楊培安
11:13:12 The Best Thing About Me Is You Ricky Martin/Joss Stone
11:20:50 甲你攬牢牢(台) 江蕙
11:25:28 心太軟 小蟲
11:35:49 STAY Ben(李恩英)
11:40:43 抓周 蔡宗倫
11:43:59 我值得擁有 李雅微
11:50:45 OMG What's Happening Ava Max
11:53:44 威尼斯的淚 永邦
Total time is 60:01

9/23 (三)
09:04:02 有點甜 汪蘇瀧/By2
09:07:49 你要的愛(心動版) 戴佩妮
09:11:39 OK Not To Be OK Marshmello/Demi Lovato 黛咪洛瓦特
09:16:54 月亮的朋友 手越增田
09:21:29 人生地熟 呂士軒
09:24:27 乖乖牌 蔡依林/黃立行
09:32:31 Say Something Justin Timberlake/Chris Stapleton
09:38:07 多愛少怪 丁噹
09:41:30 少女 林宥嘉
09:49:47 旅．課 A-Lin
09:53:45 只要有人思念著我 Mida-虛擬歌手
Total time is 60:01
10:04:09 Alone Alan Walker/Iselin Solheim
10:06:44 CHANGE 瘦子E.SO
10:09:22 還能在一起的時間 喬毓明
10:16:51 把歌談心[粵] 關淑怡
10:20:42 說一句我愛你 黃文星
10:24:10 戀愛的預感 INFINITE F
10:32:36 In2 My Soul SOIL&"PIMP"SESSIONS/Tahiti 80 大溪地80樂團-Xavier Boyer
10:37:50 I Just Wanna Marry U 李玟
10:41:31 知己 王欣晨
10:49:50 初戀 紅孩兒
10:53:52 停不下來 Spark/韓睿
Total time is 60:02
11:04:07 We Are Young 歡樂.樂團Fun. feat. Janelle Monae
11:07:56 三個人的晚餐 林志炫
11:12:13 夢想的旅行 李佳歡
11:18:31 思慕的人(台) 林俊逸
11:23:38 錯愛 莊心妍
11:32:31 若你碰到他 蔡健雅
11:38:23 擱淺 蔡宗倫
11:42:01 Ice Cream 泫雅/Maboos
11:49:44 Thinking Of You Flo Rida
11:53:20 不愛就滾開 許莉潔
Total time is 60:01

9/22 (二)
09:03:01 打錯了 王菲
09:06:04 I Really Like You Carly Rae Jepsen
09:09:26 多麼美好的一天 四分衛
09:16:19 HELLO 黃齡
09:20:02 我不想一個人 徐懷鈺
09:24:29 那種人 Marz23
09:33:21 Sour Candy Lady Gaga 女神卡卡/BLACKPINK
09:36:57 多少 陳奕迅
09:41:45 不虧不欠 袁婭維
09:49:35 對愛入座 蔡佩軒/屁孩 Ryan
09:52:44 Hello Mello BTOB
Total time is 60:01
10:04:01 陰天的向日葵 韋禮安
10:08:46 我不該躲 阿杜
10:13:23 Fly me to the moon Lisa Ono 小野麗莎
10:19:28 Alfie 蔻蔻荳兒
10:24:06 全放空 文慧如/鼓鼓
10:27:41 舞林正傳(粵) 郭富城
10:35:49 聽說有間店 曹楊
10:39:48 孤單不孤單 范揚景
10:49:16 男孩看見野玫瑰 趙傳
10:52:53 你好．再見 Sistar-孝琳
Total time is 60:01
11:04:09 偶爾 張韶涵
11:08:44 做你的他 何維健
11:12:47 Big Blue Vampire Weekend 吸血鬼週末
11:17:19 想起昔當時(台) 林宗興
11:21:47 單純幸福 暉倪
11:24:55 Ready For Love Megan Lee
11:32:56 愛就愛吧 許茹芸
11:37:40 先別說再見 蔡宗倫
11:41:50 我不想知道她是誰 蔡詩蕓
11:49:44 Can Be Pretended P!nk 紅粉佳人
11:53:24 有你我就不孤單 C.T.O/羅志祥, 愷樂
Total time is 60:01

9/21 (一)
09:02:43 早安，晨之美 盧廣仲
09:06:50 Go Gentle (Radio Edit) Robbie Williams
09:10:40 勇者的浪漫(中文版) 范逸臣/舒米恩、羅美玲、中孝介、Rake
09:18:33 人間失格 李玖哲
09:22:54 童神~太陽‧月亮ver. 夏川里美/古謝美佐子
09:28:13 最難的是相遇 吳青峰
09:36:44 Happy Together Turtle
09:46:33 如果你也想起我 少女時代-潤娥
09:54:39 情歌歹寫(台) 張宇
09:58:29 甜蜜小迷信 ROOMIE
Total time is 60:01
10:04:09 Lucky Jason Mraz 傑森瑪耶姿/Colbie Cailat
10:07:15 天真 弦子
10:10:57 都挺好的 江靜(呆寶靜)/張震嶽
10:16:33 想見你想見你想見你(粵) 八三夭
10:20:31 我們都不完美 生命樹樂團
10:25:27 只是愛著你 Do As Infinity 大無限樂團
10:35:18 Bump Usher
10:41:44 好想你 四葉草
10:48:54 盡在不言中 周慧敏
10:58:34 把你還給你 方泂鑌
Total time is 60:01
11:04:07 孤獨的總和 吳汶芳
11:08:06 Your name 郭修彧
11:11:01 天生你對 吳思賢
11:18:37 音浪 黃立行
11:22:07 There You'll Be Faith Hill
11:25:44 城市的光 蕭煌奇
11:35:14 OMG What's Happening Ava Max
11:38:23 不開心也是一種病 蔡宗倫
11:41:20 愛不愛 郭采潔
11:48:48 你是我最愛的人 王菀之
11:52:08 Chocolate Truffles 酷懶之味Clazziquai
Total time is 60:01

【每日國際選讀】
#文末挑戰多益選擇題📝
迪士尼出奇招，花木蘭票價900看嗎？
開啟「接收通知」和「搶先看」每天吸收雙語時事新知
來讀華爾街日報獨家

🌺Disney’s Bet on Mulan and the Economics of Streaming
《花木蘭》直接登上Disney+，這部要價近900元的電影能幫迪士尼賺錢嗎？


🏹In the latest pandemic-inspired Hollywood shake-up, Walt Disney Co. on Tuesday said it would offer its live-action remake of “Mulan” for sale Sept. 4 exclusively on its new streaming service, Disney+, at about $30 a pop, instead of in theaters as planned.
華特迪士尼公司4日表示，將於9月4日在其新的串流媒體服務Disney+獨家上線真人翻拍版電影《花木蘭》（Mulan），收費約30美元（約台幣880元），而不是按原計劃在電影院上映。這是新冠疫情引發的最新一項好萊塢變革。

-inspire: 刺激、引發
-remake: 翻拍
-a pop: 一張、一個，意思同 a piece
✍常見用法：tickets at $10 a pop 一張票10美元

🦜Other studios have moved movie premieres online in recent months—winning few friends among theater operators. But none has done so in this particular way, as a premium-priced add-on for streaming customers already paying a monthly fee for otherwise all-you-can-eat entertainment.
近幾個月來，其他電影公司也紛紛將影片首映搬到了網上，這種做法招致影廳營運商不滿。但迪士尼把這部電影作為附加服務提供給串流媒體用戶，且定價不低，這些用戶已經為套餐型娛樂服務支付每月訂閱費，到目前為止，還沒有一家電影公司採用過如此特別的方式在網路首映。

-翻譯技巧：“winning few friends among theater operators”
原句直譯為「在影廳營運商中贏得很少朋友」，太過直覺且不符合中文語境。此時我們可以換另一個角度思考原文想傳達什麼意思，將「贏得很少朋友」轉化為「招致不滿」，兼顧英文原意且更符合中文邏輯。

-premium-priced: 高訂價
✍常見用法：add/pay a premium 支付溢價、加價


🏮For now, though, it’s unclear whether Disney’s move was a one-time response to extenuating circumstances created by a global public-health crisis, as Chief Executive Bob Chapek suggested Tuesday on a conference call with Wall Street analysts, or a sign of things to come.
不過，目前尚不清楚迪士尼此舉是對全球公共衛生危機造成的特殊環境所做的一次性反應，還是未來模式的一個訊號。迪士尼首席執行長Bob Chapek 於4日在與華爾街分析師的電話會議上暗示是前者。

-one-time response: 一時反應
-extenuate: 減輕、緩和
-conference call, con-call: 電話會議


🥇Debuting a $200 million movie on a proprietary, premium video-on-demand service is without precedent, so there’s no clear way to estimate how online sales of Disney’s “Mulan” would stack up against a hypothetical run in theaters.
在專用的優質影片點播服務首映一部製作成本2億美元的電影是史無前例的，因此沒有明確方法來估算，若與假設的影院放映情況相比，《花木蘭》線上銷售情況會如何。

-proprietary: 專用的、專有的
-without precedent: 前無來者、史無前例，同 unprecedented
-stack up:累積、疊高，此處指「推動銷售量」

未完待續⋯⋯⋯
Disney+的用戶願意加價900台幣看電影嗎？
加入文末每日國際選讀計畫，解鎖完整語音導讀版

——
原文連結請看留言
——

❓❓多益模擬題❓:
At $29.99 on Disney+, it would take about 3.3 million ________ to generate $100 million in revenue, which is roughly _____ $200 million at the domestic box office—about average for recent live-action Disney remakes—where ticket sales are split roughly in half between studios and theaters.

🙋🏻‍♀️🙋🏼‍♀️
A. interactions / amount to
B. actions / translated to
C. transactions / equal to
-

【每日商業英文計畫，熱烈招生中！】
華爾街日報訂閱超值方案 📰
專屬 #臉書社團，浩爾 #每日語音導讀
「留言+1」，就送你 #優惠碼 及 #導讀試聽！

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw