About 6 months ago, my neighbour asked us if we wouldn't mind sharing our Wi-Fi password. We decided to give it to him because it wouldn't cost us anything extra, and because we got along with him.
Yesterday, as I was getting out of the car, the neighbor was at his door, getting ready to come outside. I stopped to talk a bit as he held the door open. He happily told me he now had Netflix. At that, jokingly I said: ′′I work hard, I barely have time to watch TV, but, if you could lend us your password to watch some shows, we'd appreciate it ".
A voice was heard in the distance, inside the house. It was his wife, ′′We can't give the password to them, because I'm the one who pays the bill and I can't share it." The man apologized and I said it was no problem. We kept talking about other things, and as I left, he stayed working outside. When I happened to look outside a little while later, I noticed the man's wife come outside.
She seemed very nervous and upset. They both went into the house.
After a few minutes, he and his wife came to my door to tell me the Wi-Fi password wasn't working anymore. I looked at them and said, ′′ I changed my password, because it's me paying the bill and I can't share it ".
The wife turned red and tried to say something, but I said, ′′Ma'am, I have my network and you have your Netflix, everything is fine and everyone is happy". They turned around and left. They never spoke to me again.
_______________________________
This story isn't mine, but here's the lesson I learned from it:
- Friendship must be mutual.
- Love must be mutual.
- Affection must be mutual.
- Win Win is always the best!
In 2020 I intend to return silence with silence, absences with absences, affection with affection, friendship with friendship and loyalty with loyalty. No more one-sided feelings. Feelings must be mutual.
PS. If you read all the way through, copy and paste this (don't share) on your page. #YouGetWhatYouGive
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【《金融時報》深度長訪】
今年做過數百外媒訪問,若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問,必然是《金融時報》的這一個,沒有之一。
在排山倒海的訪問裡,這位記者能在短短個半小時裡,刻畫得如此傳神,值得睇。
Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.
So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.
He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.
Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.
We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.
The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.
“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.
Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.
That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.
“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”
Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.
The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.
In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.
Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”
And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.
“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.
“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.
Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.
“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.
I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.
“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.
I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”
He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”
The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.
“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.
“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.
After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.
“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.
A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.
I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”
I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.
“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.
While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.
We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.
“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.
“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.
inside man netflix 在 煲劇廢噏 Literal Nothing Facebook 的最佳解答
[睇劇就是為了喪志! 脫離現實自我麻醉的劇集]
睇劇喪志這句話小編認同,與社會脫節當然可以看一下警世劇 (高堡奇人,待女的故事) 。
但如果相反對社會感受太多而痛心疾首,煲劇正正是脫離現實的自我麻醉。以下介紹幾套於「心太灰」時可使小編轉移視線放媛心情的劇集。
#個心灰到黑咗 #我咩都唔想做請俾我煲劇煲到2046
1. Dexter 嗜血法醫
推介原因: 看的是主角殺人殺人和殺人, 看不順眼就殺人, 最好所有人都殺清光
2.Hannibal 漢尼拔
推介原因: 有很多血淋淋的屍體可以看, 可以看主角殺人, 還可以看另外一個主角由不殺人到喜歡上殺人
3.Misfits 超能少年
推介原因: 可以看一群年青人一直不小心地殺了長官,殺了一個再殺另外一個
4. Mr. Robot 黑客軍團
推介原因: 主角應該沒有殺人, 但是可以看到整個社會都玩完, 所有人都可以去自殺死清光
5. Gotham 葛咸城
推介原因: 還沒有Batman 的葛咸城, 你懂的...
6. Inside no.9 - 9號秘事
推介原因: 每集為單元故事, 而每集都會有角色是心理變態, 而每集都會有人死/比死更難受。
【睇劇喪志?兩部香港人必需睇的警世劇!】
#highcastle #thehandmaidstale #高堡奇人
#侍女的故事
有時煲劇太投入,會懷疑自己同社會發生的各樣事脫節!今次特意介紹兩部警世之作讓大家自醒吾身。
兩部作品都講述極端社會中主人公受到迫害與及反抗,同樣以女性為主角,同樣講述大眾在壓迫下漸漸連反抗的勇氣也磨盡時卻有一小撮人不畏強極對抗整個制度的故事……
The Man in the High Castle 高堡奇人
在二戰由納粹和日軍勝出的架空歷史裡,女主角在日治的三藩市生活,原本安於現狀卻因為一套神秘的電影底片而成為各勢力的鬥爭關鍵,而女主角在一層層的迷霧下逐漸走到事件的核心並嘗試去主宰自己的命運!
如果觀眾因為二戰 #架空歷史 的設定而入坑並期待種種科幻情節可能會失望,架空歷史只是包裝,原著小說和劇集要講的反而是在極權社會下人們所受的壓迫和命運操弄下各人不同的選擇。
The Handmaid's Tale 侍女的故事
不遠的未來因環境污染農業失收更嚴重的是嬰兒出無率接近0,夫婦不育或初生夭折比比皆是,美國在一次本土極端宗教的政變下政府被摧毀,代之而起的是宗教極權的 #加列國 ,小數僅有生育能力的女性被強制集中,杜撰聖經的教義強迫她們成為權貴人士的生育工具 “#侍女”。
故事在女主角丈夫和女兒被強制套去,被迫成為某主教家中的侍女開始。 #加列國 的社會自然充滿荒謬與絕望,但最令人心寒的反而是各人回憶劇情中,社會漸漸走向極端的過程與我們現在自由被逐漸剝奪的生活可其相似………
高堡奇人S2 預告
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1740299/videoplayer/vi3605902873
侍女的故事 預告
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt5834204/videoplayer/vi1312929305
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inside man netflix 在 暗網仔出街 Youtube 的精選貼文
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訂閱: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCKC6E5s6CMT5sVBInKBbPDQ?sub_confirmation=1
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異度空間恐怖APP: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6PiyPZ3d_Fw&t=12s
首支單曲: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UASHWB6Ai9Y
鬼故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CfqxuCHq3Y&t=3s
我的成長故事: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kdhtp6A6YJE
我講 '香港' 10,000次: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-G4uDe3QUfs
我受夠了, 我的精神困擾: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQ6uxaQhiS4&t=7s
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我會否選擇科興疫苗
疫苗與黑人的恐怖歴史 (陰謀論)
疫苗與黑人的恐怖歴史 | 陰謀論
美國疫苗與黑人的恐怖歴史 | 陰謀論
[熱話!!!] 美國疫苗與黑人的恐怖歴史 | 陰謀論
【熱話】美國疫苗與黑人的恐怖歴史 | 陰謀論
Lately topic of 疫苗 has been spreading all across the internet. 打or 不打: that is the question.
Whilst doing research I found a particular topic that was very interesting and I want to talk about it.
黑人社區非常dam心疫苗. 來自一個在網上fung cheun的解釋.
在usa racism and racial divide (分化) is a very strong debated topic.
Earlier because of a black man being Murdered in broad daylight it sparked ‘yuw行’ in many USA states.
如今related to 疫苗 so many conspiracy theories appeared. 美國的黑人community甚至西班牙community have conspiracy theories 出來, saying their 人種 is being used for 疫苗實yim.
This has two main supporting points (論點支持)
美國疫苗由一樣叫mRNA的遺傳物質jo sing. So it’s has been rumored to change the dna of certain races. 但最近 it’s been proven that unlike DNA, mRNA is single stranded 單鏈型狀細胞while DNA is double stranded 雙鏈型狀細胞. So it’s very difficult for mRNA to enter the DNA 核子. So it can’t actually change the dna.
the second point has been brought up not only by 黑人社區, it is but one of the biggest conspiracies related to 疫苗. Or even the one of the biggest conspiracy theories in the world. It is that theirs microchip (晶片) inside the 疫苗, is用來跟踪我們人類的行jung. And ‘mok後黑手’ is bill gates... as he wants to enslave humanity.
Actually I feel the root of this fear in regards to 黑人and 疫苗來自 lik si上這個美國不能說的秘密.
-1932年USA government進行一個叫Tuskegee study 一樣東西. In 阿拉巴馬州 found有Syphilis 梅毒傳染beng的一堆黑人男子.
They were lied to by the government that they were receiving ‘meen fuy yi liw’ but they were actually not.
The experiment was to see if 梅毒惡化differently in white people as compared to black people.
This is 建基於相信black people and white people biologically is different. Or that black people is 不及white people的.
Though those black men after were never treated, 1943年even though invented 能對抗梅毒的yuek, it was never given to those black 男子. 甚至之後they went on to cheun yim their wives and children.
Although ‘黑lik si’ is something difficult to change, something can be done now.
-During the ‘yik ching ‘ 美國黑人社區被影響得最深.
因為they are low income人士and also being the air quality they inhabit is comparatively worst than other 社區.
But at the end of the day if more precautions were done by the government in ensuring a better healthcare, no matter what the past is,,, confidence 信心can be built here and now. With our actions here and now.
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