關於 great society 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【吳文遠十一遊行案法庭陳詞 — 中文譯本】

法官閣下：

從小我父母便教我要有同理心，要關顧社會上相對不幸的人。儘管在早年職業生涯上取得不俗成就，但我從來沒有意欲將追求個人財富視為人生目標。

當我在國外生活了多年後回到香港定居時，我為這個我自豪地稱之為家的城市，存在如此嚴重的社會不平等而感到困惑和擔憂。 令我震驚的是，社會如何漠視對窮人和少數族裔的歧視。既有的社會結構，有時甚至會鼓勵這種歧視繼續發生。同時，我們也無法一如其它地方，享有基本的民主權利和自由。

這些都是我參與社會運動以至參與政治的動機。我希望盡己所能，為被忽視的弱勢階層鼓與呼，替不能為自己發聲的人說話。

與許多人相比，我很幸運能夠接受良好教育，並擁有一定程度上的財務自由和社會地位。我們很幸運，能夠過上舒適生活，並有自由選擇我們的道路。我選擇為社會平等而奮鬥。其實這個法庭上許多人都差不多，我們都喜歡香港，這個稱為家的地方。或許我們在生活中選擇了不同的角色，但目標都是相同：為他人服務。

可悲的是，我擔心我們已經逐漸成為社會制度中的例外。當下許多香港人根本沒有那些機會，包括貧困長者，欠缺向上流動機會、被邊緣化的年輕人，還有犧牲所有時間但只能為家庭僅僅維持基本生活的工人。這些人再努力，生活中的選擇仍然局限於維持生計。對他們來說，「選擇」是負擔不起的奢侈品，更不用說如何決定自己的命運。

在生活壓力下，我們的視野通常很難超越自身的社交圈子，更難的是對陌生人展現同理心。兩極化的政治分歧產生越來越多裂痕，令我們有時候無法互相理解、和而不同，亦不願意試圖尋求某種程度的妥協。

我一直希望，一個較民主的制度能夠成為一道橋樑，彌合上述社會鴻溝，或者至少容讓我們選擇怎樣共同生活。

2019年的動盪，為整個社會帶來了沉重的打擊。無論政治立場如何，我敢肯定這個法庭上有許多人，都為此而傷心欲絕。整座城市都被不信任、仇恨和恐懼所淹沒。今天固然不是討論這個問題的合適地方，但我希望法庭能夠理解，僅靠司法機構並不能解決已經根深蒂固的社會政治鴻溝。

我們需要集體力量、勇氣、誠實和同理心來修補我們的家。看看幾位同案被告，他們在服務社會方面有著非凡的紀錄。比起囚禁在監獄，我相信他們能夠對社會作出更大貢獻。

為了追求全體香港人的權利，我的確違反了法律，並且已準備面對法院的判決。令人敬重的幾位同案被告，畢生捍衛法治，為民主而戰，為無聲者發聲，我十分榮幸能夠與他們並肩同行。

我相信終有一天，籠罩我們城市的烏雲將會消散，光明將會重臨，愛和同理心將會戰勝歸來。

吳文遠
2021年5月24日

Avery Ng Man Yuen’s Statement

Your Honour,

I was brought up by my parents to value the importance of empathy, to care and to feel for others in our community less fortunate. Although I enjoyed great success early in my career, I never had a desire to pursue personal wealth in the more traditional sense.

When I settled back in Hong Kong after years of living abroad, I was baffled and disturbed by how severe the social inequality existed in a city I am proud to call my home. I was struck at how discrimination against the poor and the minorities far too often goes ignored or can even at times is encouraged by the established social structure; and how we cannot have the basic democratic rights and freedoms that other places enjoy.

These were my motivations to join social activism and enter into politics. I chose to spend my energy to speak for the underprivileged, the disenchanted and often ignored segments of society. To offer a voice for those who could not speak for themselves.

Compared to many, I am privileged to have a great education and a certain level of financial freedom and social standing. We are fortunate enough to be able to lead comfortable lives and have the freedom to choose the path that we take. I chose to fight for social equality. Many of those in this court are not that much different. We all love Hong Kong, the place we call home. We chose our different roles in life but with the same aim: to serve others.

Sadly, I fear that many of us are increasingly the exception to the rule. Today far too many Hong Kong people do not have that chance, whether that is our elderly who live in poverty, marginalized youth with few opportunities for social mobility, or workers who give up all their time slaving away to provide the bare minimum for their families. These people all struggle to make ends meet with very limited options in life. “Choice” for them is a luxury that they cannot afford. Let alone having the gratification of being able to dictate their own destiny.

I recognise, with the pressures of life, it is often difficult for people to see beyond their own social bubble. It is harder still to acquire empathy for strangers. Polarized political division increasingly has driven a wedge between people, making it sometimes impossible for people to understand and empathise with one another, to disagree agreeably, and attempt to find some level of compromise.

It has always been my hope that a more democratic system could be the bridge that heals this social divide or at the very least allow us to choose how we can live together in our home.

I’m certain that none of us in this court wanted to see the turmoil in 2019, which has seen our whole society suffer regardless of political preference. Distrust, hatred, and fear has engulfed Hong Kong. Today is certainly not the right forum for this immense topic. However, I hope the court can understand that the Judiciary alone cannot resolve the deep-rooted socio-political divide which exist.

It will take our collective strength, courage, honesty, and empathy to mend our home. Looking at my fellow defendants with their extraordinary history in serving this society, I believe they can do far greater good among us in society than being locked in prison.

In pursuit of the rights of all Hong Kong people, I have broken the law. I am prepared to face the court’s judgement. I am proud to be in the company of my esteemed fellows who have spent their lives championing the rule of law, fighting for the democracy and voicing for the voiceless.

I believe the storm-clouds that currently reside over our home will one day lift, and make way for a bright and clear day. I believe love and empathy will eventually prevail.
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[時事英文] 美國阿札爾部長的「Tsai總統」發音！

Is this whole discussion really about diplomatic courtesy and English pronunciation, or is it just another ploy to attract media attention?

這些「發音的討論」是基於外交禮節、英文的發音亦或只是獲得媒體關注的手段？

Probably all three? A better way to improve public image might be to invest more in community service, connect with the constituency, and cultivate new talents.

1. diplomatic courtesy 外交禮節
2. ploy 計謀、策略、手段
3. lift public image 提升形象
4. community service 社區服務
5. constituency 選區；選區的選民
6. new talents 新秀

也許以上皆是? 提升公眾形象更好的途徑可以是透過投入社區服務、增加與選民的互動以及培養有潛力的新秀。

Focus on issues that count, not make petty arguments.

★★★★★★★★★★★★

HHS Secretary Alex Azar Statement on Meeting with President Tsai Ing-wen (As Prepared for Delivery)

Thank you, President Tsai [ts-eye], for welcoming me to Taiwan today. It is a true honor to be here to convey a message of strong support and friendship from President Trump to Taiwan.

I would like to congratulate President Tsai on beginning her second term earlier this year. As Secretary Pompeo said in marking her inauguration in May, President Tsai’s courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy are an inspiration to the region and the world.

7. convey a message of… 傳遞...的訊息
8. Secretary 國務卿
9. inauguration 就職
10. a vibrant democracy 有活力的民主
11. an inspiration to… 為…的表率

美國衛生部部長阿薩爾與蔡總統會面致詞稿

謝謝蔡總統今天歡迎我到訪台灣，能夠在這裡傳達川普總統對
台灣的強力支持和友誼是我誠摯的榮幸。我要祝賀蔡總統在今年初展開第二任期。正如國務卿蓬佩奧就蔡總統五月份就職典禮所發表的聲明所說，蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I also want to offer my condolences to everyone in Taiwan on the loss of your former President Lee Teng-hui, the father of Taiwan’s democracy and one of the great leaders of the 20th century’s movement toward democracy.

12. offer condolences 表達哀悼之情
13. the father of Taiwan’s democracy 台灣民主之父
14. movement 運動

我也想對前總統李登輝的逝世，向台灣人民表達哀悼之意。李前總統是台灣民主之父，也是二十世紀民主運動的偉大領袖。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Under President Trump, the United States has expressed our admiration for Taiwan’s democratic success in tangible ways. President Trump has signed legislation to strengthen the partnership between Taiwan and the United States, and in 2018, we opened a new American Institute in Taiwan, a brick-and-mortar commitment to our treasured friendship.

15. in a tangible way 切實地; 以確實的方式*
16. sign (v.) legislation to 簽署法案
17. partnership 夥伴關係
18. a brick-to-mortar commitment 堅定的承諾 (brick and mortar 指實體房屋，這裡指如磚牆般堅固的承諾)

在川普總統的領導下，美國對台灣的成功民主制度表示讚賞。川普總統也簽署了相關法案，強化美台的夥伴關係。2018年，我們啟用了美國在台協會新館，象徵著美國對美台友誼的珍視及堅定承諾。

*tangible: https://bit.ly/3fQPPZs

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The particular focus of both my discussion with President Tsai and of our trip is highlighting Taiwan’s success on health, in combating COVID-19, and cooperating with the United States to prevent, detect, and respond to health threats.

19. the focus of... ...的焦點
20. highlight one’s success on… 強調在…的成功(這裡指台灣的防疫的成就)
21. cooperate with 與…的合作
22. detect (v.) 發現、察覺
23. health threats 健康的威脅(這裡指疫情)

我與蔡總統的對談以及本次訪台的重點在於，強調台灣在公共衛生及對抗新冠病毒疫情的卓越成就，以及台灣與美國在預防、發現及應對疫情上的通力合作。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Taiwan’s response to COVID-19 has been among the most successful in the world, and that is a tribute to the open, transparent, democratic nature of Taiwan’s society and culture. Taiwan had tremendous success in detecting COVID-19, managing the outbreak, and sharing this valuable information with other nations. Taiwan’s success in health and industry has allowed it to extend a helping hand to others, sending needed supplies around the world, including to the United States and Pacific Island nations.

24. be a tribute to sth/sb 是（優秀、強大或有效性）的明證
25. transparent 透明的
26. tremendous success 巨大的成功
27. manage outbreak控制(疫情的)爆發
28. extend a helping hand to others 向他人伸出援手

台灣的防疫措施可謂世界上數一數二的成功典範，而這都歸因於台灣社會及文化的開放、透明和民主。台灣在發現新冠病毒、控制疫情，以及與其他國家分享寶貴資訊上都取得非凡的成果。台灣的公衛專業和產業實力也得以協助他人，提供美國和太平洋島國等世界各國夥伴所需的物資。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Again, I am grateful to President Tsai for welcoming us to Taiwan and I look forward to using this visit to convey our admiration for Taiwan and to learn about how our shared democratic values have driven success in health.

29. convey(v.) admiration 表達欽佩
30. shared democratic values 共享民主價值
31. have driven success in… 帶動…領域的成功

我要再次感謝蔡總統的熱情歡迎，我也期待藉此訪問傳達美國對台灣的欽佩之意，並了解我們的共享民主價值如何帶動公共衛生領域的成功。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

AIT 中英文演講稿：
https://bit.ly/3kzKCcg (英文)
https://bit.ly/3gNAjPg (中文)

圖片出處： https://bit.ly/3fHD8Ac

完整影片: https://youtu.be/unB8N5d2Fm4

★★★★★★★★★★★★

時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc

時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

讓我們聚焦於有意義的議題，免去枝微末節。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

論文摘要
現今社會，成年人有著來自社會與生活的多方壓力，而這種壓力需要釋放，以慰藉情感，供成年人把玩之玩具就可作為釋放壓力的一個途徑。
過去人們認為玩具是兒童的專利，成年人如果玩玩具就會被認為是不務正業。但隨著時代的不斷變化，人們對於玩具的認識也更加豐富和多元化，成年人在情感需求之要求下，也希望通過玩具來使情感需求得到滿足，
在NPD調查的12個玩具市場中，全球最大的玩具市場—美國2017年銷售額比2016年增長了1%，達207億美元。而中國也僅次於美國成為全球第二大玩具消費市場。
「公仔」(Figure)為玩具之其一分類，這個詞源自70年代香港、澳門，是世界動漫產業興盛發展的新辭彙。然而目前市面上普遍為歐美系與日系公仔居多，相較少有屬於中國文化之公仔。因此，實體化中國文學角色並符合現代潮流的公仔設計為本研究之創作動機。
本創作以少人著墨之鐵扇公主和牛魔王角色為目標，兩角色似中國版美女與野獸，有著獨特的設計與衝突的美感，藉由ZBrush為數位雕刻並以光固化3D列印實體化，創作出古典與現代二款造型之潮流創意公仔。


People are experiencing pressures coming from various sources like, from our society and life. We need ways to release those pressures. Toys made for adults may serve as one of the great ways to release our stress.
Having fun with toys has been regarded as children’s privilege in old days. Adults would be considered childish if they were found playing with toys. As time goes by, however, people now a days, have different points of view about toys. Grownups, now a days are having emotional needs as well, to be met and some of them can be achieved through spending time and energy on toys.
A survey conducted by NPD (NPD Group, Inc.) on the 12 major toy markets over the globe shows that the world's largest toy market—the USA market sales increased by 1% up to a total of 20.7 billion US dollars in 2017 compared to the sales number in 2016. China, though second only to the US market for toys, does not have much of its own culture or literature related in any toy products.
"Figures ", also known as “Gong-zai” in Chinese communities, is one of the toys’ categories. This word, originated from Hong Kong and Macao way back 1970s, it is a relatively new term for the worldwide booming animation industry. American, European, and Japanese figures overwhelming dominate current toy markets and only few Chinese figures can be found among them. In the light of this phenomenon, the ideas to make figures from famous characters in Chinese fictions or literatures that follows the modern features of figures transform the motivation of this research.
The figures created for this research are the roles called “Princess Iron-Fan” and “Bull Demon King” which are famous but less mentioned. They are like the Chinese version of Beauty and the Beast, which are innovative crafted and exhibit the conflicting beauty. The software ZBrush is used for digital engraving and a photo-curing 3D printer modeling. The final products are characters with two different styles--classic and modern ones.

台灣的尾牙文化實在是太好玩了，這次我也參加尾牙。而且都是藝人朋友。吳宗憲大哥，黑人哥，庹宗康哥，KID 等等！我還抽獎，哈哈。真的很high！

Year end party is a very important culture in Chinese society. Every year all Taiwan companies are giving party for their workers. This time ı joined the party of TV station. Many Taiwan stars were there and we had great time. Hope you enjoy the video. ❤️