關於 freedom of conscience ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Bitter Winter has reported about the efforts of CAP-LC, the ECOSOC-accredited NGO Coordination des associations et des particuliers pour la liberté de conscience, to bring the Tai Ji Men case to the attention of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, together with other similar cases of limitation of freedom of religion or belief (FORB) in different countries through the improper and illegal use of taxes.
台灣迫害人權、信仰自由，別以為把頭像駝鳥埋入沙漠不理不睬，裝不知道，就以為沒有人知道。
　 　　　　
2010: The First Tai Ji Men Report at the UN’s Human Rights Council
https://bitterwinter.org/2010-the-first-tai-ji-men-report-at-the-uns-human-rights-council/

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

【劉曉波逝世四週年】

https://youtu.be/4GzYYATsP9I

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今天是七月十三日，小弟我依然是坐緊監，為何今天我會有這一段影片呢，原因是今天是劉曉波先生的死忌，不經不覺已經是四年了。

大家都知道，劉曉波是我們中國第一位，亦是唯一獲得諾貝爾和平獎的人。我記得當年2008年，他是有份撰寫零捌憲章的，是很多年前的事。他當年的訴求其實很簡單，對於香港來說，甚至乎是偏向平實保守，他只是希望中國能夠有一個體制內和平的政治改革，希望能夠使到中國整個民主社會或是公民社會可以進步和發展。這只是一篇相對溫和憲章，但在當年卻遭到共產黨的全面打壓，大家便知道共產黨所懼怕的，並不是什麼分裂勢力、暴力或是外國力量介入，它們最懼怕是人民的良知。亦因此過往每年的今天，我和長毛和社民連等人，無論下多大雨都總會去中聯辦燃點燭光，去悼念劉曉波先生，但當然今天我沒辦法做到，我亦不會清楚在監獄外的朋友能否做到，但我仍希望各位朋友今天至少能穿上黑衣，用自己的方法去燃點燭光，去悼念劉曉波先生，甚至乎若您今天有時間的話，您可以上網了解一下零捌憲章的內容，或是重溫一下劉曉波先生的事蹟，他生平除了零捌憲章外還有很多貢獻，當年他也在天安門廣場內。

現在回想劉曉波先生的遭遇也很唏噓，其實除了劉曉波先生外，這麼多年來還有無數的維權人士和維權律師，在大陸被失踪、被監禁、被自殺、被滅亡，無論您覺得您是香港人也好，還是覺得您是中國人也好，或是覺得自己是世界公民也好，無論您價值觀如何，只要您也是追求或是擁抱自由、民主、公義的說，我們希望各位皆可以出一分力去悼念劉曉波先生，因為他是一個非常標緻性的人物，他臨終時雖然罹患癌症，但他一直以來也沒有放棄，亦沒有屈服。每次談到這個話題，心情也會很唏噓。
我希望能夠很快可以放監出來，可以和大家在街頭上見，亦都希望可以再次為劉曉波先生，和那些為民主運動而犧牲的人，聊表心意和悼念。

－－－－－－－－－－－－

Today is the 13th of July and I am still in prison. The reason why I have this video today is that today is the anniversary of the death of Mr LIU Xiaobo. Time flies and it has been 4 years already.

As we all know, LIU Xiaobo was the first and only person in China to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. I remember that in 2008, he had a part to play in writing the Charter 08, which was many years ago. He only hoped that China could have a peaceful political reform within the system, and that the whole democratic society or civil society in China could progress and develop. The content of the charter was rather mild, yet it was heavily suppressed by the communists. We all know that the regime fears not separatist forces, violence, or foreign forces, but the people's conscience. That is why every year on this day, Long Hair, the League of Social Democrats and I would always go to the Liaison Office to light a candle in memory of Mr Liu Xiaobo, no matter how heavy the rain was. But of course I can't do that today, and I'm not sure if my friends outside the prison can either, however I still hope that you can at least wear black today and light a candle to remember Mr. Liu Xiaobo. If you have time today, you can go online and learn about Charter 08, or you can revisit the story of Mr Liu Xiaobo, who made many contributions in his life apart from Charter 08, in fact he was in Tiananmen Square back then too.

It is saddening to look back on what happened to Mr LIU Xiaobo. In fact, apart from Mr LIU Xiaobo, there are countless other human rights activists and lawyers who have been disappeared, imprisoned, suicided or killed in the Mainland over the years. Whether you feel you are a Hong Kong citizen, a Chinese citizen, or a global citizen. No matter your values, as long as you are in pursuit of freedom, democracy, and justice, we hope you can all pay your respects to Mr Liu Xiaobo because he was a very exemplary figure. He was dying of cancer, but he never gave up. Whenever I talk about this subject, I feel very sad.

I hope to be released from prison soon and be able to meet you all on the streets. I also hope that we can once again pay tribute to Mr Liu Xiaobo and those who sacrificed their lives for the democratic movement.

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This excerpt is from: Inside-Out Transformation (2 May 2021)
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如果香港能擁有如果……

如果警察停止濫暴，克盡厥職維護香港法治;
如果警黑停止勾結，以保障市民安全為首任;
如果警方沒有散播「曱甴」仇殺言論;
如果政府停止白色恐怖，尊重香港的自治和自由;
如果香港有真雙普選，保障「開放參政」和「實質競爭」的權利;

也許歷歷在目的是市民的笑容與歡呼而不是血腥與混亂;
也許香港仍能擁有曾經自豪與驕傲的美譽 - 「司法獨立高度自治」與「最安全城市」;
也許為社會注入的是希望與和平而不是絕望與低谷;
也許香港仍然是實踐真正民主的希望燈塔;
也許我們仍能穩守民主社會的基石 – 「人權」與「自由」。

也許……能讓孩子不用承受今天如斯不堪的後果。

如果香港人永不放棄，也許能一同堅守信念創造一個屬於我們最好的結果。
如果你有良知，你願意和我們站在一起嗎?

#五大訴求 #缺一不可 #光復香港 #時代革命 #問誰未發聲 #我願榮光歸香港

What if Hong Kong has a lot of “what if”……

What if police brutality never existed in HK , the Force remained steadfast in their duties to uphold law and order;
What if HK police’s shadowy network of triad gangs collapsed, the Force firmly carried out its mandate to maintain public safety;
What if HK police didn’t slam protestors by labeling “cockroach” and spreading death threats;
What if HongKonger could live without ‘white terror’ but with full respect of autonomy and freedoms;
What if true universal suffrage is committed for Hong Kong, which promotes fair and open competition;

Perhaps scenes of smiles and cheers would be vivid in our minds instead of chaos and bloodshed;
Perhaps Hong Kong could still be proud of its independent judiciary and reputation as one of the safest cities in the world;
Perhaps society would be filled with hopes and peace but not despair and desperation;
Perhaps Hong Kong could still serve as exemplar of freedom and beacon of hope;
Perhaps HongKonger would not be robbed of foundation of democracy - human rights and liberality.

Perhaps…. the young generation would not have to suffer from the unbearable and miserable situation today.


What if HongKonger never give up, perhaps we may unite to fight for our beliefs and strike for best result.
What if you have a conscience, are you willing to stand with us?

#FiveDemands #NotOneLess #LiberateHongKong #RevolutionOfOurTimes #DoYouHearThePeopleSing
#GloryToHongKong

屠馬 Slay the Trojan Horse

詞：張睿銓、李婉菁
曲：李婉菁
演唱：張睿銓、祇、陳文鈺
混音協助：DJ Point 許志遠

歌詞

We've had enough of this melodrama
Sick of this bloodstained propaganda
We don't need your laboratory panda
Taiwan's never been part of China
We've had enough of this melodrama
Sick of this bloodstained propaganda
We don't need your laboratory panda
Taiwan's never been part of China
Please tell me, Lord, what I should do
They don't listen when you speak the truth
Those who lead try to play God for the rich and poor
But they forget the love of money is the root of all evil
Loopholes spotted
The panda turns herbal and they smuggle it
Welcome the Trojan horse with their arms wide open
Fuck the government that's trying to drug and pimp them
妖獸一現，禍延千年，咒詛一鳴，地火萬里
魂影四竄逃，怨聲殘奔嚎
血泊枯盡恨淫淫，詭詐遍野騎瘋馬，罪惡滿城狂天雷
吾等不憤 不為人，吾等不怒 不為人
毒仔之禽，毒母之獸，毒民之宦，毒國之昏
言謊毋羞面，草芥共滅之

咒詛已定，屠人者亡
冥府開！大血滿弓刀
We've had enough of this melodrama
Sick of this bloodstained propaganda
We don't need your laboratory panda
Taiwan's never been part of China
We've had enough of this melodrama
Sick of this bloodstained propaganda
We don't need your laboratory panda
Taiwan's never been part of China
Prophets are killed, prophecy fulfilled
Secular priests reenact the Apocalypse for real
This island forsakes the blessings of The Dalai Lama
17,000 cops sent to escort a king from China
That's when they confiscate their own country's flag
That's when they paint freedom and democracy black
Justice and patriotism depend on what side you're on
Where you're from, and better yet who you don't confront
This ain't Greek mythology, we live street reality
We're Formosans. We won't fail like the Trojans
Beating a dead horse is not an option
Decapitation is a sentence more proper than ancient
Arm yourself with intelligence and conscience
It's time to pick up the blade for self-protection
Democracy starts with blood and revolution
I'll claim my trophy over your lamentation

(2009)